xvi, 203 p. : ill. (some col.) / Global climate negotiations have been at a standstill for over a decade now over the issue of distributing the responsibility of mitigating climate change among countries. During the past few years, countries such as India and China - the so-called emerging economies that were under no obligation to mitigate under the Kyoto Protocol - have increasingly come under pressure to accept limits comparable to those for industrialized countries. These countries, in turn, have strongly resisted these pressures. My dissertation examines India's participation in these ongoing climate negotiations. Based on qualitative interviews with relevant Indian officials, textual analysis and participant observation, I tell the story of why and how this so-called emerging economy has been resisting a cap on its emissions despite being one of the most vulnerable countries to the consequences of climate change. I draw upon the literatures of environmental justice, international relations, postcolonialism and political ecology to develop my dissertation and adopt a self-reflexive approach in my analysis. The need for global cooperation to address global environmental issues has arguably provided greater bargaining power to countries formerly marginalized in the global political economy. Following the dynamics of North-South environmental politics, India's climate politics consists of utilizing this power to increase its access to global resources as well as to hold hegemonic industrialized countries accountable for their historical and continuing exploitation of the environmental commons. A key aspect of India's climate politics consists of self-identification as a developing country. Developed countries with higher cumulative and per capita emissions are seen to have the primary responsibility to mitigate climate change and to provide financial and technological support to developing countries to mitigate and adapt to climate change. Developing countries are seen to have a right to pursue development defined as economic growth. The climate crisis is thus seen by my respondents as an opportunity to address the unequal status quo between developed and developing countries. I suggest that this crisis also creates opportunities to redefine development beyond a narrow focus on economic growth. This may be enabled if the demand for justice in an international context is extended to the domestic sphere. / Committee in charge: Shaul Cohen, Chairperson; Alec Murphy, Member; Ted Toadvine, Member; Peter Walker, Member; Anita Weiss, Outside Member

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta Tese examina as implicações políticas da cooperação internacional para o desenvolvimento de Moçambique em três momentos: (i) o período referente à solidariedade socialista; (ii) o contexto da cooperação tradicional Norte-Sul; (iii) a experiência (re) emergente da Cooperação Sul-Sul. Nossa incursão analítica mostra que foram cerca de 40 anos de cooperação internacional que permitiram uma série de transformações em nível político, econômico e social, e que construíram um país como um autêntico artefato de intervenção externa. Nesse sentido, analisam-se os efeitos políticos provocados pelas três propostas sugeridas de cooperação na esfera doméstica de Moçambique. Por um lado, constata-se que a cooperação internacional acaba por constituir-se em projeto de poder que afeta a produção de políticas públicas, a construção da autonomia e, mais recentemente, o processo de democratização em curso. Por outro, evidencia-se que os atores internacionais que atuam no campo da cooperação para o desenvolvimento em Moçambique agem imbuídos de seus respectivos interesses e agendas de política externa. Na relação entre os distintos atores e o Estado moçambicano, identificam-se alguns fatores-chave, tais como a fraca capacidade estatal, a existência de enormes assimetrias entre Moçambique e seus parceiros, o vício em receber cooperação que transforma essa relação em uma das principais fontes de manutenção do Estado, bem como a preservação das elites políticas tradicionais fatores que limitam o alcance dos objetivos reais de desenvolvimento que as distintas formas e modalidades de cooperação internacional prometem e buscam promover. / This doctoral thesis examines political implications of international development cooperation in Mozambique in three main time periods: (i) the period of socialist solidarity; (ii) the context of traditional north-north cooperation; (iii) the experience of (re) emerging southsouth cooperation. Our analytical work shows that the last forty years of Mozambique international development cooperation have provoked a series of political, economic and social transformations, resulting in the construction of an authentic artifact of external intervention. In this context, we analyze the political effects of the three proposals of development cooperation in Mozambiques domestic sphere. On the one hand, we find that international cooperation turns out to be a project of power that affects the production of public policies, the construction of autonomy and, more recently, the ongoing democratization process. On the other, we make it evident that international actors working in the field of development cooperation in Mozambique act based on their respective foreign policy interests and agendas. We also identify that the relationship between the different actors and the Mozambican state has shown key factors such as a weak state capacity, the existence of huge asymmetries between Mozambique and its partners, the addiction to development cooperation that transforms this relationship into one of the main sources of state maintenance, and the preservation of traditional political elites all factors that constrain the achievement of the real goals of development that the different forms and modalities of international cooperation to promise and attempt to promote.

Master thesis "Czech Republic and its connection to new LNG terminals - strengthening of the gas security" examines the level of gas security in the Czech Republic. Dependency of the Czech Republic on gas supplies from foreign countries is almost 100 %. Russian federation is dominant supplier with roughly 75 % of the supplies. High dependency on one exporter is considered hazardous from energy security perspective. The Czech government should strive to change and improve this situation. The diversification is considered as a useful tool to improve the gas security. Currently there are new gas projects built in neighboring countries, which may influence energy security of the Czech Republic. The study researches the impact of these new projects on the Czech Republic. Namely we focused on gas pipeline Nord Stream and its Czech connection Gazelle, which will connect North Germany and Bavaria through the Czech Republic. Second project is gas network called "the North - South Corridor" connecting Baltic and Adriatic Sea. The North - South corridor may be potentially linked up to the new LNG terminals Świnoujście in Poland or Adria in Croatia. Furthermore, there are long-lasting plans to open new "South" gas route from Caspian region to Europe. The main goal of this thesis is to explore real...

This work will try to analyse, if a project of Nort-South gas corridor is a really effective solution for EU and if this project really supports an effort to achieve a common energy security of EU. Work is based on hypothesis that natural gas and significant difference between member states of EU in dependence on Russian gas are the main problems which complicate efforts to achieve a common energy security of EU. Project, which could support efforts to achieve a common energy security of EU must be a project which could assure a diversification of gas routes and diversification of gas sources without weakening of energy security of any of EU member states. This work will try to analyse if existing gas projects (North Stream, South Stream, Nabucco and North- South gas corridor are really realistic projects which meet energy needs of member states of EU and long-term policy of EU. This work will try to prove, that North- South gas corridor is f the project, which really brings diversification of gas sources and gas routes and existence of this project will have also positive influence on efforts to achieve a common energy security of EU.

Alors que dans les médias, les migrations sont présentées comme le résultat de crises humanitaires, l’expatriation et la mobilité internationale sont dépeintes comme les résultats naturels d’une globalisation qui sert autant aux pays du Sud qu’au pays du Nord. Or, un nombre grandissant d’Européens font le choix de s’installer dans un Sud à long terme, malgré la sécurité supposée offerte par les États « providence » ou de « bien-être » desquels ils proviennent. Dans la littérature universitaire, ces derniers sont souvent identifiés comme des agents reproducteurs des systèmes postcoloniaux ou comme des migrants privilégiés. Dans un contexte où la Commission Européenne s’est donné le mandat, depuis maintenant une quinzaine d’années, de favoriser autant la mobilité internationale que l’entrepreneuriat chez les jeunes, qu’en est-il des jeunes Européens qui s’engagent dans le développement d’un projet entrepreneurial dans un Sud, alors qu’ils sont encore au début de leur carrière professionnelle? Cette recherche vise à décrire l’expérience migratoire et d’entrepreneuriat de jeunes adultes et adultes middle-aged Européens dans la ville de Mexico en particulier. Nous avons effectué une enquête ethnographique d’une durée d’un an et demi situé dans la ville de Mexico qui tient compte des temporalités inhérentes aux processus migratoires et entrepreneuriaux. Les données sont tirées des récits biographiques des participants, de différentes activités d’observation en lien avec leur vie entrepreneuriale et leur condition de migrants « du premier monde », ainsi qu’une expérience de quotidienneté partagée. À travers une lorgnette principalement interactionniste, la thèse présente les caractéristiques des trajectoires de ces entrepreneurs, les quêtes qui sont à la source de la constitution de leur projet entrepreneurial et la place qu’ils occupent socialement dans le contexte de la métropole de Mexico. Nous retenons que les migrations Nord-Sud peuvent aussi impliquées un processus d’incorporation marqué par des ruptures, des difficultés ou de nécessaires négociations identitaires, tout comme les migrations traditionnellement étudiées. Cela dit, leur expérience contient aussi son lot d’aspects connectés aux conceptions divisant les « Nords des Suds » qui sont enracinés dans le contexte local particulier, la ville de Mexico, et qui se révèlent dans l’interaction sociale en présence des homologues mexicains qu’ils rencontrent. / While in the media, migration is presented as the result of humanitarian crises, expatriation and international mobility are portrayed as the natural results of a globalization that serves the countries of the South as much as the countries of the North. However, a growing number of Europeans choose to settle in the South for the long term, despite the supposed security offered by the « welfare » states. In academic literature, the latter are often identified as reproductive agents of postcolonial systems or as privileged migrants. In a context where the European Commission has given itself the mandate, for about fifteen years now, to promote both international mobility and entrepreneurship among young people, what about young Europeans who engage in the development of an entrepreneurial project in a South, while they are still at the beginning of their professional career? This research aims to describe the migration and entrepreneurship experience of young adult and middle-aged adult Europeans in Mexico City in particular. We carried out an ethnographic fieldwork located in Mexico City for a year and a half, aiming to consider the temporalities inherent to migratory and entrepreneurial processes. The data is drawn from the biographical accounts of the participants, from various observation activities related to their entrepreneurial life and their condition as "first world" migrants, as well as a shared daily experience. Through a mainly interactionist lens, the thesis presents the characteristics of the trajectories of these entrepreneurs, the quests that are at the core of the constitution of their entrepreneurial project and the place they occupy socially in the context of the metropolis of Mexico. We retain that North-South migrations can also involve a process of incorporation marked by ruptures, difficulties or necessary identity negotiations, just like the migrations traditionally studied. That said, their experience also contains aspects connected to the conceptions of a world divided between the "North of the South" which are rooted in the particular local context, Mexico City, and which are revealed in the social interaction in the presence of the Mexican counterparts that they meet.

Dans ce travail, nous lèverons le voile sur la notion d’État souverain en droit international ainsi que son principe directeur, le principe de l’égalité souveraine des États et son corollaire, la non-ingérence dans les affaires internes d’un État. Dans une première analyse, nous établirons un rapport entre la souveraineté des États en droit international et l’ingérence humanitaire. Cette analyse se fera sur la base de plusieurs questions : l’ingérence dans les affaires internes d’un État pour des motifs humanitaires constitue-t-elle une atteinte au principe de la souveraineté des États ? Mieux, l’affliction des populations légitime-t-elle l’ingérence humanitaire dans un État ? Nous remettrons ainsi en cause le concept de souveraineté des États en faisant la lumière sur la complexité du principe de non-ingérence dans les affaires internes d’un État ; de même que les limites ou atténuations à la souveraineté des États. Ces atténuations nous aideront d’une part, à prouver le caractère licite de l’intervention humanitaire et d’autre part, à déterminer le champ d’application de cette dernière. Nous aboutirons à la licéité de l’ingérence humanitaire sous certaines conditions. Dans une seconde analyse, nous mettrons l’accent sur l’instrumentalisation ou les dérives de l’aide humanitaire ayant pour but la protection des droits humains. Nous nous sommes posé certaines questions : quelle est la légitimité de la croissance des opérations militaires en Afrique par les États dits puissants pour des motifs humanitaires ? Pourrait-on, à la lumière de l’instrumentalisation de l’ingérence humanitaire, parler d’une possible nouvelle forme de colonisation? Notre réflexion sera principalement axée sur les relations nord-sud. Dans une analyse basée sur les instruments juridiques en droit international humanitaire (DIH) et en droit international des droits de l’homme (DIDH) accompagnés d’exemples précis, nous montrerons comment les grandes puissances utilisent l’aide humanitaire pour assouvir leurs propres besoins (généralement d’ordre économique) dans les pays en voie de développement. Nous prouverons au cours de ce travail, à quel point l’action humanitaire est devenue un objet de politique voire un instrument de politique étrangère. En effet, bon nombre d’actions militaires, revêtues de motifs humanitaires, orchestrées dans certains pays du sud par certaines grandes puissances n’ont d’autres buts que la recherche du profit. La pratique humanitaire est trop souvent manipulée et cache des intérêts purement égoïstes des États. Nous conclurons finalement à la nécessité de la neutralité et de l’objectivité de l’action humanitaire. / In this work, we will lift the veil on the notion of sovereign state in international law and its guiding principle, the principle of the sovereign equality of States and its corollary, non-interference in the internal affairs of a state. In a first analysis, we will establish a relationship between state sovereignty in international law and humanitarian interference. This analysis will be made on the basis of several questions: does interference in the internal affairs of a state on humanitarian grounds constitute an infringement of the principle of state sovereignty? Does the affliction of populations legitimize humanitarian interference in a state? Thus, we will challenge the concept of state sovereignty by shedding light on the complexity of the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of a state, as well as the limits or attenuation to state sovereignty. These attenuations will help us, on the one hand, to determine its cope. We will surely end up with the legality of humanitarian interference under certain conditions. In a second analysis, we will focus on the instrumentalization, or abuses of humanitarian aid aimed at protecting human rights. We asked ourselves certain questions: What is the legitimacy of the growth of military operations in Africa by rich countries on humanitarian grounds? In the light of the instrumentalization of humanitarian interference, could we talk about a possible new form of colonization? Our reflection will focus mainly on North-south relations. In an analysis based on legal instruments in international humanitarian law (IHL) and International Human Rights (IHRL) with specific examples, we will show how the major powers use humanitarian aid to meet their own needs (generally economic) in developing countries. In the course of this work, we will demonstrate the extent to which humanitarian action has become an instrument of foreign policy. Indeed, many military actions, with humanitarians’ motives, orchestrated in Black and Arab Africa by certain major powers have no other goal than the pursuit of profit. We argue that humanitarian practice is too often manipulated and hides purely selfish interests of states. In the end, we will conclude that there is a need for neutrality and objectivity in humanitarian action.

This thesis examines the policies, positions, and perspectives of developing countries on the emerging norm of humanitarian intervention after the Cold War, focusing on the period between 1991 and 2001. In doing so, it questions the role of opposition that conventional wisdom has allotted to them as parochial defenders of sovereignty. Instead, the thesis reveals variation and complexity, which militates against defining the South, or the issues that humanitarian intervention raises, in simplistic either-or terms. Part I draws on insights about ‘sovereignty as what states make of it’ to break the classic pluralism-solidarism impasse that has otherwise stymied the conversation on humanitarian intervention and confined the South as a whole to a ‘black box’ labelled rejectionism. It reconstructs the empirical record of developing countries at large on six cases of military intervention (northern Iraq, Somalia, Haiti, Sierra Leone, Kosovo, and East Timor), revealing variation that defies easy categorization. It also charts a cumulative and dynamic trend within the South towards a grey area between pluralism and solidarism that shows how these were not diametrically opposed positions. Following from that, Part II looks in-depth at India and Argentina. Whereas Argentina accepted the idea of humanitarian intervention, India remained reluctant to countenance it and persistently objected to the development of a new rule in its favour. Part II argues that the level of congruence between the emerging norm and the two countries’ prevailing values, aspirations, and historically constructed ways of thinking played a key role in determining the different levels of acceptance that the idea found with them. Part III delves deeper into the substance of their views. It shows how neither country constructed mutually exclusive choices between pluralism and solidarism, sovereignty and human rights, and intervention and non-intervention. Rather, both exhibited an acute awareness of the dilemmas of protecting human rights in a society of states, and a wariness of yes-no answers. Cumulatively, this thesis thus points away from thinking about the South itself as a given category with clear, shared or pre-determined ideas, and towards a more nuanced and inclusive conversation on humanitarian intervention.

No description available.

The topic of the diploma thesis is the design of a new Brno main railway station in the position "The River" (Ac), which was selected from several variants of the reconstruction of the Brno railway junction (ŽUB). The aim of this work is to create an architectural and urban concept, the function of which will be an important contribution to the development of the city of Brno, improving the traffic situation and comfort of the general public or residents of the new adjacent district Trnitá. The solved area is located in the cadastral area of Komárov, Štýřice and Trnitá. The height dominant is represented here by the Europoint building (115 meters). It is located in the axis of the new boulevard, at the other end of which we can see the picturesque Petrov. The main entrance glass hall is adjacent to Europoint. Public facilities are located in the front station area. North of Europoint, it is a smaller building with the function of start-up workshops and offices. Towards the river there are the pre-station square and the public transport terminal. The last building is a hotel with leisure activities. The end of the pre-station area by the river is designed with a park arrangement. It is important to connect to the bike path leading along the river. The river is widened at this point and a smaller accessible island is inserted into it. The new railway body is determined by the binding base of SŽDC, which contains the track on the embankment and on the bridge structure at the level of 7,1 meters above the level of the surrounding terrain. The solved part is bounded by two embankments, which will probably be created as massive reinforced concrete walls. The bridge structure lying between these embankments has dimensions of approximately 154x368 meters, which corresponds to the area of 8 football fields. The bridge deck will be drawn on columns of the given raster. The basic principle in the design of the new main station is simplicity, readability and functionality.

My master‘s thesis is concerned with study of location of tram stop, part od North - South Railway Line Diameter, which is supposed to be in underground level below Konečného square, important transfer junction. According to this location find out the best place to situate pedestrian exits and elevators in nearby streets Nerudova, Kotlářská and Veveří. After building up the station, pedestrian transfers will be safer and time to get into the centre of Brno/ job for commuter people will be shortened. This master thesis also deals with enlargement of tram islands, repositioning of trolleybus stop from Kotlářská street, movement of pedestrians in area and optimization of traffic lines.