Submitted by Nayara Passos (nayara.passos@ufpe.br) on 2015-03-09T13:16:40Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Dissertaçao Andre Pessoa.pdf: 934310 bytes, checksum: 4c1ac70725175d6fe221b46dc14f8e6d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-09T13:16:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Dissertaçao Andre Pessoa.pdf: 934310 bytes, checksum: 4c1ac70725175d6fe221b46dc14f8e6d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Esta dissertação comenta a relação da produção poética de Naomi Shihab Nye através das teorias dos Estudos Culturais. A análise aborda a linguagem poética como via de integração cultural entre a memória histórica coletiva e individual, no que se refere à intersecção da rememoração e ressignificação identitária representada entre o Mesmo e o Diverso, como comenta Edouard Glissant. O trabalho, assim, argumenta a relação do referente simbólico da tradição cultural cristalizada pelos projetos globais e a luta constante das narrativas locais na negociação do estado representativo do sujeito intersticial. A produção literária de Naomi Shihab Nye guia o leitor para um estado de contemplação semiótica dos signos construídos pela tradição. A mesma tradição responsável pelas concepções de “Oriente” e “Ocidente”. Os argumentos de Edward Said sobre o Orientalismo também foram usados para analisar a dicotomia “árabe”/ “americano”. O trabalho poético de Nye aponta para uma renovação do ponto de vista do leitor apresentando uma forma diferente de espiritualidade. Permitindo ao leitor acessar o seu repertório de signos culturais em direção à ressignificação. Os comentários de Mary Louise Pratt e Walter Mignolo, a cerca da noção de “transculturação” de Fernando Ortiz, nos impulsionam a ver a relação íntima entre logos, cogito e ethos em direção a corpos e espíritos humanos. A análise de Homi Bhabha sobre o terceiro espaço e a concepção de Pratt das “zonas de contato” coloca a poesia de Nye em posição de constate movimento cultural: nem “árabe”, nem “americano”: humano. Os comentários de Stuart Hall e Walter Mignolo sobre as relações transnacionais na condição da pós-colonialidade do poder mostrou-nos a diferença entre os olhares polarizado e intersticial. Ainda, Luiz Cota Lima e Theodore W. Adorno são os pontos referenciais sobre as teorias a cerca da mímesis da representação real e imaginária. Nossa abordagem entende a concepção de linguagem e estrutura social que foram observadas nos trabalhos de Naomi Shihab Nye como fundamentais na interação humana com a natureza.

Graduation date: 1995

Within both academic environment and political circles internationally too much emphasis is placed on military and economic power and too little to soft power. While, according to Nye, out of the three modes of political power soft power has the greatest potential to deal with critical global issues and foster multilateral co-operation among states its application is usually severely restricted to co-ordination issues due to various preconceived positivistic assumptions on the part of both political scientists and political decision-makers. This descriptive-analytical MA thesis aims at re-interpreting and therefore extending the legitimacy of soft power by means of thoroughly analysing South Korea’s soft power wielding experience. In order to achieve the objective above the paper sets itself the following tasks: (a) to provide a concise introduction into Nye’s discourse on soft power; (b) to provide a concise historical overview of the development and spread of South Korea’s popular culture; (c) to reveal the uniqueness of South Korea’s soft power content; (d) to highlight the singularity of South Korea’s soft power wielding strategies; (e) to practically apply South Korea’s soft power wielding experience in terms of revising the existing soft power theory. The most thought-provoking aspects about South Korea’s soft power wielding with special reference to South Korea’s soft power content are the following: (a) as its crucial soft power resource South Korea chose the most... [to full text] / Šis magistro darbas „Pietų Korėjos švelniosios galios ypatumai: Pietų Korėjos dramos ir filmo kaip Pietų Korėjos populiariosios kultūros bangos segmentų vaidmuo“, kuris pasitelkia diskriptyvų ir analitinį tyrimo metodus, tyrinėja Pietų Korėjos dramas ir filmus Pietų Korėjos populiariosios kultūros bangos kontekste per švelniosios galios prizmę. Tiek akademiniuose tiek politiniuose diskursuose tarptautiniu mastu pernelyg daug dėmesio yra skiriama karinei ir ekonominei galiai ir per mažai švelniajai. Džozefas Nai teigia, kad būtent pastaroji galios rūšis, t.y. švelnioji galia, turinti neišnaudoto politinio potencialo, kuris gali būti panaudotas spręsti įvairias opias tarptautines problemas. Šio darbo tikslas yra remiantis sėkmingu Pietų Korėjos švelniosios galios akumuliacijos pavyzdžiu pamėginti iš naujo interpretuoti švelniosios galios sąvoką ir išplėsti jos politinį legitimumą. Atitinkami išsikelti uždaviniai yra šie: (a) sintezuoti Džozefo Nai diskursą apie švelniąją galią; (b) išanalizuoti Pietų Korėjos populiariosios kulūros vystymąsi ir plėtrą iš istorinės perspektyvos telkiantis ties populiariaisiais Pietų Korėjos drama ir filmu; (c) atskleisti populiariųjų Pietų Korėjos dramos ir filmo kaip esminių Pietų Korėjos švelniosios galios resursų unikalumą; (d) atskleisti Pietų Korėjos vyriausybinių strategijų siekiant akumuliuoti švelniąją galią unikalumą; (e) pasiūlyti konkrečias konceptualias kryptis, kurių laikantis būtų galima papildyti Džozefo Nai diskursą apie... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

Title: Tibetan curing system of Kum Nye and the possibilities of its application Objectives: The aim of this work is to present a comprehensive view of the Tibetan healing system called Kum Nye. The first part introduces Buddhism as the general basis of Kum Nye, some other basic spiritual principles, the historical background of Kum Nye, and the relationships between these three bases of Kum Nye. The aim of the second part is to explain the therapeutic effect of the system and to present ways of its practice, which are specially modified for the mentality and the way of life of Western society by the Tibetan lama Targhang Tulku. This part is enriched by the author's personal experience from a course of Kum Nye. The concluding part of the work sums up the salient aspects of Kum Nye, presents possibilities for its use, critically evaluates the therapeutic effects and limitations of the system, and makes suggestions for further research. Keywords: Buddhism, breathing exercises, emotions, Kum Nye, stress

第壹章導論：說明本論文的研究動機與目的在於瞭解貨幣聯盟理論的概況 ，而研究範圍僅限定在貨幣政策與財政政策，至於研究途徑主要為政治經 濟研究途徑與文獻分析途徑，而研究架構則採擷自奈伊（Joseph S. Nye ）的整合理論。歐洲經濟暨貨幣整合的發展：首先介紹共同市場（包括單 一市場）在產業面與金融面的經濟效益分析；繼而介紹歐洲貨幣制度，它 的前身 主要構成要素及其績效評估；最後介紹經濟暨貨幣聯盟，包括其 涵意、狄洛報告內容、其他對應方案，乃至馬斯垂克條約中貨幣政策、經 濟政策和過渡條款的有關規定，並對其做一般性評估。第三章經濟暨貨幣 聯盟的整合策略：首先探討政策上的整合，分別從區域間結構調整、貨幣 政策的協調及預算政策的協調來看；繼而探討制度上的整合，分別描述新 的多邊監督程序、單一通貨制及歐洲中央銀行；堆最後探討態度上的整合 ，分別從跨國行為者與各會員國政府態度來討論。第四章經濟暨貨幣聯盟 的整合結果：本章將分別從政治化、重分配、選擇權減少及外部化四種情 況來探討。 第五章結論：本章將分別從個別會員國、整個共同體及整個 國際環境三個層面來為本文做一總結。

The conceptual divide between “hard power” and “soft power,” and the resources that constitute the basis of each, remain hotly debated topics among International Relations theorists as well as foreign policy advisors and analysts. Two developments in the last decade that have greatly influenced the study of the hard-power/soft-power dichotomy are: (1) the pursuit by many single-state actors of foreign policy strategies identifying and actively incorporating soft-power instruments, and (2) the realization by political theorists that individual policy instruments often exhibit unexpected hard and soft-power characteristics and effects, sometimes resulting in hard power acting soft and soft power acting hard. Exploring this dichotomy further, I examine the Russian Federation’s use of its hard and soft power with respect to the de facto independent Georgian separatist region of Abkhazia from 1999-2009 by identifying specific Russian foreign policy instruments employed in the bilateral relationship and analyzing how these instruments draw upon and project Russian hard and soft power. My findings support research addressing instances when traditionally defined hard-power instruments display soft-power effects, and vice versa, and highlight examples of individual policy instruments producing both hard and soft-power effects simultaneously; coercing a subject while they co-opt its interests. In addition, I find that the Russian Federation is actively employing soft-power methods of engagement in its contemporary foreign policy strategy, having substantially increased this employment between 1999-2009— particularly with respect to Abkhazia. Concerning the Russia-Abkhazia relationship specifically, I conclude that, based on Russia’s engagement of the region from 1999- 2009, ties between the country and the de facto state will continue to strengthen, however, with Abkhazia in an increasingly supplicant position. / text

This study emphasizes the role of soft power in China’s relations with Africa. It attempts to explore and interpret China’s role in Africa from Joseph Nye’s perspective of soft power and Realism in general. China’s foreign policy is ideologically underpinned by nationalism. In the past two decades, it is based on the need to protect its national interest, by expanding trade and diplomatic relations. For this reason, China has expanded economic interest in Africa by means of mutual development and investment, economic cooperation and trade. This has led to the growth of ‘soft’ ties between China and Africa, through the provision of aid and diplomatic cooperation. By using ‘soft power’ as a vehicle to promote the perception of a peaceful rise to power, it also makes a valuable contribution to the Chinese goal of constructing a harmonious world. Based on the research, the conclusion is that China has achieved impressive gains in its overall level of soft power in Africa, especially in economic and political aspects of its relationship with Africa and less in its cultural penetrations. / Political Sciences / D. Litt. et Phil. (International Politics)

This study emphasizes the role of soft power in China’s relations with Africa. It attempts to explore and interpret China’s role in Africa from Joseph Nye’s perspective of soft power and Realism in general. China’s foreign policy is ideologically underpinned by nationalism. In the past two decades, it is based on the need to protect its national interest, by expanding trade and diplomatic relations. For this reason, China has expanded economic interest in Africa by means of mutual development and investment, economic cooperation and trade. This has led to the growth of ‘soft’ ties between China and Africa, through the provision of aid and diplomatic cooperation. By using ‘soft power’ as a vehicle to promote the perception of a peaceful rise to power, it also makes a valuable contribution to the Chinese goal of constructing a harmonious world. Based on the research, the conclusion is that China has achieved impressive gains in its overall level of soft power in Africa, especially in economic and political aspects of its relationship with Africa and less in its cultural penetrations. / Political Sciences / D. Litt. et Phil. (International Politics)

I denne studien analyseres sikkerhetspolitiske utviklingstrekk i USA fra Bush til Obama. Fokuset rettes mot betydningsfulle kontinuiteter og endringer i overordnede syn på maktmidler, interesser og samarbeidstilnærminger. Empirisk materiale utgjøres hovedsakelig av ulike utgaver av amerikansk “National Security Strategy”. Slike strategier inneholder brede budskap, og som hjelp til å identifisere spesielt viktige momenter utarbeides først en teoretisk analyseramme basert på perspektiver til de samtidsaktuelle forskerne John J. Mearsheimer og Joseph S. Nye. Studiens resultater viser at militærmakten har en stabil posisjon som det høyest prioriterte maktmiddel i USA, men ny regjering satser mer på myke maktmidler og mindre på militærmakt ved fremming av egne verdier. Vedrørende interesser finner vi kontinuitet i at forsvar av nasjonen og håndtering av militære trusler er styrende for sikkerhetspolitikken, og USA har intensjoner om å opprettholde militær overlegenhet. Videre er også spredning av demokrati, respekt for menneskerettigheter og åpen markedsøkonomi konstante interesser, men en endring er at nasjonens økonomi er oppjustert på den sikkerhetspolitiske agenda. I et samarbeids-perspektiv synes unilateral militær agering mindre aktuelt for ny regjering, og internasjonale institusjoner er mer vektlagt. USA har imidlertid et videreført siktemål om å inneha en tydelig lederrolle og få stort gjennomslag for egeninteresser i internasjonalt samarbeid. Totalt sett indikerer de to regjeringenes sikkerhetsstrategier at styrende interesser er uendret, men den nye regjeringen har intensjoner om en mer balansert anvendelse av maktmidler og kommuniserer en mindre unilateral samarbeidsprofil. Forekomsten av vektige stabile trekk har imidlertid en dempende effekt på endringene, og bidrar til å gi inntrykk av at USA for tiden ikke staker ut en ny kurs, men justerer eksisterende kurs. / This study analyzes the development of the United States security policy from the administrations of Bush to Obama. Its focus is directed towards significant continuities and changes in the context of political means, interests and approaches to international cooperation. The empirical data mainly consists of U.S. National Security Strategies issued in 2002, 2006 and 2010. Such strategies contain broad messages and, therefore, to help identify issues of special significance, a theoretical framework based on the perspectives of the international relations scholars John J. Mearsheimer and Joseph S. Nye is first developed.  The findings of the study show that the position of military power as the most prioritized political instrument in the U.S. remains stable. However, in an effort to promote the nation’s values, the new administration intends to make more use of soft power and less use of military power. Regarding its interests, defending the nation and handling military threats are still top priorities, and an important aspect is that the U.S. intends to maintain its global military superiority. Spreading democracy, respect for human rights and free trade in an open international economic system are also constant interests, but one notable development is that the national economy figures more prominently on the security agenda. Looking at the approaches for cooperation, it seems that unilateral military action is an option which is less likely to be used by the new administration. Furthermore, this administration places greater emphasis on the value of international institutions than the previous administration. Still, an important continuity is the intention of maintaining a clear leadership role and strongly advancing U.S. interests when cooperating internationally. To summarize, the two administrations security strategies indicate that governing interests are unchanged, but the new administration is aiming for a better balance of the tools of American power, and is communicating a less unilateral profile. Still, the presence of significant stable aspects reduces the level of change, and contributes to the impression that the U.S. is not developing a new course, but rather adjusting the current one.

This thesis examines India’s exercise of its powers that it utilizes in its foreign policy on the international arena. The aim of the study is to determine what international power India can be classified as, and whether it achieves the goals of either being a great- or superpower. This is done by analysing not only the conventional concept of power, that being the hard power concept, but also the relatively newly conceived concept of soft power, originally conceived by the American political scientist Joseph Nye in the 1990s. Therefore, the research methodology is comprised of a theory consuming case study. The following question is being asked: What kind of international power is India? The conclusions being presented illustrate a foreign policy limited in its scope of influence, plagued mostly by institutional impediments due to limited budgets and thus limited resources in both concepts of power. Consequently, India cannot be classified either as a superpower nor a greatpower, but more as a regional one.