published_or_final_version / Asian Studies / Master / Master of Arts

Abstract of Thesis The title of this thesis is Macaw case study- the exploration into relation of central and local government under ¡§one country, two system.¡¨ Deng Shao Ping, the last one of the Communist China¡¦s leaders group and general designer for Communist China¡¦s ¡§reform, door opening and modernization policy¡¨ first introduced the concept of ¡§one country, two system¡¨ and applied this theory on the its unification effort of Taiwan. In July, 1997, under Communist China¡¦s guideline-¡§one country, two system¡¨ British Hong Kong administration, was peacefully transformed to become Hong Kong autonomy of Communism China. On December 20, 1999 , Portuguese Macaw administration was also transformed to Macaw autonomy of Communism China. In order to find out the development history of ¡§one country, two system¡¨, this thesis will first review the publications that discuss central and local government relationship, then explore the development of local political system utilizing operation principle of Mainland China¡¦s politics. Based on communism¡¦ tradition theory- Marx-Leninism; Mao and Deng principal, this thesis will analyze how Deng develop, solidify and finalize his claim, ¡§ Establishment of a socialism country with Chinese character¡¨ starting from the concept of ¡§ one country, two system¡¨. Finally, Macaw case study will be carried out to explore all the possible issued faced for before and after take over of Macaw under the theory frame work of ¡§one country, two system¡¨ and from the central/local relationship of Mainland China. Hopefully, the conclusion of the study can help to understand (1) the feasibility of political system and development under Communist China¡¦s ¡§one country, two system¡¨ and (2) possible future development and trend, direction and outlook.

The dissertation examines how the unprecedented principle, "one country, two systems," can best work in Hong Kong. Because of the political, economic, legal, historical and cultural differences between Hong Kong and China, China pledges to let Hong Kong maintain its capitalist system and way of life. The Chinese socialist system and policies will not be practiced in Hong Kong. The Hong Kong people will have a high degree of autonomy in ruling themselves. The actual degree of autonomy that Hong Kong enjoys in governing itself will be the benchmark for evaluating whether the principle is a success or a failure. The best way for Hong Kong to secure its high degree of autonomy, this dissertation argues, is to construct an open and responsible government. To this end, this study proposes a series of institutional changes. These changes include: selecting the Chief Executive by universal suffrage; creating a system of ministerial responsibility; and enacting a freedom of information law. This study also suggests proposals to strengthen the operation of Hong Kong's legislature, the Legislative Council (LegCo). These proposals include: removing restrictions on the legislators' power to initiate "private members" billsâ ; restoring the LegCo's simple majority vote count system; and reforming the LegCo's committee and staff support systems. The purpose of all these changes is to construct an open and responsible governmental system in Hong Kong. Field study included interviews with politicians and academics involved in Hong Kong politics, examining relevant government documents, academic studies, commentaries of the newspapers, and personal observation of the case. The ultimate aim of this dissertation is to contribute to the discussion now being conducted in Hong Kong on the creation of a responsible government and the successful implementation of the principle of "one country, two systems." / Ph. D.

This paper thoroughly studied the childhood, education, and job experiences of Hu Jintao, the present leader of Chinese Communist Party, and analyzed his personalities and cultural cultivation to understand his political character, behavior, and the thinking about policy on Taiwan. This paper includes six chapters. Chapter one includes the motive, objective, and the research method. Chapter two talks about the childhood of Hu Jintao. Chapter three describes how Hu became the fourth successive leader of Communist Party of China. Chapter four compares the 4 successive leaders and their policies on Taiwan. Chapter five discusses the consideration of Communist Party of China between its policy on Taiwan and international situation. Chapter six, the conclusion of this paper, brings out some suggestions for future thinking about foreign strategy toward China. After the 1949 civil war in China, the Government reined by Kuomintang withdrew to Taiwan and the Communist Party of China won the political power of China. It has been 60 years since the People¡¦s Republic of China was established on October 1st 1949. All of the 4 successive leaders claimed that there is only on China in the world, and Taiwan is part of China. Therefore, there were Mao Zedong¡¦s force liberation to peaceful liberation, Deng Xiaoping¡¦s peaceful liberation to ¡§one country with two systems,¡¨ Jiang Zemin¡¦s continuous ¡§one country two systems¡¨ based on Hong Kong experience, and Hu Jintao¡¦s two-side strategy ¡X ¡§milder for the milds, and firmer for the firms¡¨ and ¡§One country two systems for peaceful union.¡¨ Based on the above-mentioned background, this study compared the successive 4 leaders¡¦ breeding, learning, personalities, statecraft, leadership, value of life, and the policy on Taiwan collection and analysis of papers, periodicals, dissertations, scholars¡¦ writings, governmental publication, statistics, researches, records issued in China, and foreign periodicals, dissertations, and writings. Hopefully, the results were expected to be helpful to reveal China¡¦s strategies for Taiwan by describing in detail about the origins, historical causes, and possible future development between Taiwan and China. The final goal is helping China and Taiwan to understand each other more deeply and to have more friendly interactions, thus there would be more opportunities for the two parities to cooperate and benefit both sides.

This study is an exploration of familial bilingualism in which I examined the reported experiences of a small group of bilingual family members who live in the South of England and whose heritage languages are French or Spanish. The study, located in applied linguistics and sociolinguistics, draws upon the main fields of bilingualism, second language acquisition, language ideologies, family language policies, as well as bilingualism and emotions. It offers evidence of the difficulties to transmit heritage languages and implement familial bilingualism because of a mixture of intertwined ideological and practical factors. Having experienced familial bilingualism, I was interested in understanding the meaning that familial bilingualism had for other families and how familial bilingualism subjectively affected family members in their everyday lives and in their interactions at home and in society. To conduct the study, I adopted an interpretative approach in which I tried to derive context-situated interpretations from the narratives of my participants. Thus, my data enabled me to examine the complexity of maintaining and transmitting heritage languages within families. The data highlighted the strong link between familial bilingualism and society as the heritage languages of the participants could be construed as social capital that the parents had to transmit in order to be 'good parents'. The data also highlighted the complex relationships between bilingualism and emotions not only at societal level but also at individual and familial levels. The salient emotions revealed in the data comprise feelings of responsibility about maintaining and transmitting heritage languages as well as feelings of insecurity and isolation generated by migrating and belonging to bilingual families. A greater understanding of familial bilingualism and how families view their languages as lenses through which they negotiate family and societal relations, as well as emotions and education, is not simply an academic exercise but is arguably of importance to all of us, given the world in which we live, with diversity and migration featuring as major political and ideological issues.

前途問題展開談判以來，香港政制改革的速度開始加快。改革沿著《中英聯合聲明》和《基本法》所計畫的軌道進D義過渡到「一國兩制、港人治港」，到底關係到深層結構^國與香港三大行為者利益或價值的分歧和激烈的爭辯，也U行為者如何運用自身的資源、如何在其他行為者行為之前漱狨部A以爭取最有利或最少損失的情況，是研究香港政治者必須加以分析探討的重要課題。禰趕暋D是在於如何建立一個有長遠活力的政治秩序。這個酋w的狀態，而是一個基於公平而受愛戴的政治制度所產生隻菑@九八五年開始在香港推行部分民選議會制度，目的是k局選舉，使未來政制植根於民主基礎上，從而建立一套制m來自北京共產主義的影響；北京方面則因為要在香港計畫A特別為香港制定《香港特別行政區基本法》；而自立法局J普選議席，香港民間政治力量，僅管羽翼未豐，終於可以U個政治團體。現行狀況是中(共)英雙方基本上處於「共治O量可以運作的空間相當有限。然社會已趨於政治化及多元き瘚o揮作用，影響香港未來政治發展的同時，如何形成有活力的政治秩序則需要整個社會共同努力。D要是自一九八四年《中英聯合聲明》的簽署至一九九五年異繻陘謘A以十餘年間香港政治制度的改革和政治發展作為本文的研究範圍。

一九八四年中共官方全面宣佈以"一國兩制"作為解決台灣問題的總政策以 來,"一國兩制"成為中共對台政策的統一用語,中共黨,政,軍各級領導人及 宣傳媒體,莫不口徑一致地對海內外宣揚"一國兩制","一國兩制"成為中共 對台政策的代名詞. "一國兩制"既然如此重要,那麼,"一國兩制"究係受何 因素影響形成;其具體內涵為何;在"一國兩制"總政策指導下,中共對台政 治,軍事,經濟,貿易,社會,文化等政策為何;台灣地區對中共政策的反應 ,在中共對台政策制定上的影響程度如何,這些問題都是本論文企圖進行瞭 解和分析的內容.本論文共計六章十九節,約十一萬餘字.首章為導論,旨在 說明本論文的研究動機和目的,以闡述本文寫作之旨趣;並說明本論文的研 究方法及研究途徑,以陳述本文研究之架構;最後,再提出本文利用系統理 論作為全文寫作架構後,本論文的基本架構.第二章為"一國兩制"--新時期 中共對台總政策,首先將中共對台政策分為兩大時期,對"一國兩制"提出前 之中共對台政策作歷史性的回顧;其次並將自國際,國家及個人等三個層次 來分析"一國兩制"的形成背景;最後將說明"一國兩制"的形成過程,理論根 據,具體內涵及其規劃下的統一架構,期望對這個新時期中共對台總政策, 作一個全盤的分析與全面的瞭解.第三章,第四章和第五章為本論文的研究 重點,分別由政治軍事,經濟貿易和社會文化等三方面來探究中共對台政 策,由中共各級領導人講話與官方發表的文件來研析中共對台的政策面;其 次再由實踐面來探究中共對台政治宣傳,外交封鎖,軍事恫嚇,經貿利誘,吸 引台資,社會統戰,文化交流等面向的實際作法;最後並提出台灣地區官方 與民間對中共對台政策與作法之反應,藉以論証台灣地區的反應與中共對 台政策之間的互動影響關係.第六章為結論,首先把中共對台政策的原則不 變與策略靈活運用的情勢作一總結分析;然後據此分析來推論在台灣地區 官方可能反應下,中共對台政策的幾種可能演變,以及在雙方彼此政策推行 下兩岸關係的可能發展;最後,作者將對中共及台灣地區官方與民間在面對 兩岸未來發展時的對策和作法,提出建議.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Hong Kong, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 75-84).

中國在香港的一國兩制以高度自治為治理基礎,香港在1997回歸中國後已過了18個年頭,中國政府當初在中英聯合聲明中所給予香港的承諾如：高度自治,資本主義,以及人權自由,然而,這些承諾在今日的香港發展的如何為此論文的研究目的。研究方法採取文獻分析法以及次級資料分析,並且運用官方文件和香港大學的民意調查來做為研究基礎。研究結果發現,香港的高度自治尤其是在民主發展的進程,中國政府依然扮演著重要的角色,另一方面,除了新聞自由在近年來備受波及外其他方面的人權自由皆沒有明顯受侵害的趨勢。香港繁榮在回歸之後雖然幾度陷入全球蕭條的影響但在和中國快速經濟整合的背景下,香港的經濟得以維持在一定水準,但貧富差距等問題造成香港政府及社會的隱憂。 / This research is an attempt to conduct a preliminary assessment of one-country two systems in Hong Kong since the handover of sovereignty from British government back to China in 1997, particularly on the aspects of high degree of autonomy and economic performance. As promised in Sino-British Joint Declaration in 1984 that China pledged to be committed to sustain high degree of autonomy and way of life, capitalism in Hong Kong and this policy would remain unchanged for 50 years. This research draws heavily on secondary data and documentary analysis to answer the research questions, and the research found out that high degree of autonomy, way of life, have in some parts been enchroahed upon. On the other hand, the prosperity of Hong Kong has been ensured.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Hong Kong, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 75-84). Also available in print.