After Hong Kong returned to China, the integration of political field has completed. However, the divergence in social and economic fields remain significant which triggers the motives for this study. In the process of integration between Hong Kong and China, the ¡§One Country, Two System¡¨ and ¡§Closer Economic Partnership Arrangement¡¨(CEPA) have provided political and economic schemes respectively. The integration procedure in Hong Kong-China case, that is to integrate in political sphere first and then push forward other areas of integration subsequently, conforms to the characteristics of Federalism. In addition, it is found that the local government is subordinate to the central under the Hong Kong Basic Law, which means the principle of ¡§one country¡¨ is prior to ¡§two systems.¡¨ On the other hand, the practice of CEPA provides new opportunities for economic development in Hong Kong. Beijing also hopes that Hong Kong could help develop the Pan Pearl River Delta Region under CEPA. Under all kinds of forces from the central and local, it is predictable that Hong Kong will integrate into China gradually in the near future.

published_or_final_version / Asian Studies / Master / Master of Arts

The dissertation examines how the unprecedented principle, "one country, two systems," can best work in Hong Kong. Because of the political, economic, legal, historical and cultural differences between Hong Kong and China, China pledges to let Hong Kong maintain its capitalist system and way of life. The Chinese socialist system and policies will not be practiced in Hong Kong. The Hong Kong people will have a high degree of autonomy in ruling themselves. The actual degree of autonomy that Hong Kong enjoys in governing itself will be the benchmark for evaluating whether the principle is a success or a failure. The best way for Hong Kong to secure its high degree of autonomy, this dissertation argues, is to construct an open and responsible government. To this end, this study proposes a series of institutional changes. These changes include: selecting the Chief Executive by universal suffrage; creating a system of ministerial responsibility; and enacting a freedom of information law. This study also suggests proposals to strengthen the operation of Hong Kong's legislature, the Legislative Council (LegCo). These proposals include: removing restrictions on the legislators' power to initiate "private members" billsâ ; restoring the LegCo's simple majority vote count system; and reforming the LegCo's committee and staff support systems. The purpose of all these changes is to construct an open and responsible governmental system in Hong Kong. Field study included interviews with politicians and academics involved in Hong Kong politics, examining relevant government documents, academic studies, commentaries of the newspapers, and personal observation of the case. The ultimate aim of this dissertation is to contribute to the discussion now being conducted in Hong Kong on the creation of a responsible government and the successful implementation of the principle of "one country, two systems." / Ph. D.

This paper thoroughly studied the childhood, education, and job experiences of Hu Jintao, the present leader of Chinese Communist Party, and analyzed his personalities and cultural cultivation to understand his political character, behavior, and the thinking about policy on Taiwan. This paper includes six chapters. Chapter one includes the motive, objective, and the research method. Chapter two talks about the childhood of Hu Jintao. Chapter three describes how Hu became the fourth successive leader of Communist Party of China. Chapter four compares the 4 successive leaders and their policies on Taiwan. Chapter five discusses the consideration of Communist Party of China between its policy on Taiwan and international situation. Chapter six, the conclusion of this paper, brings out some suggestions for future thinking about foreign strategy toward China. After the 1949 civil war in China, the Government reined by Kuomintang withdrew to Taiwan and the Communist Party of China won the political power of China. It has been 60 years since the People¡¦s Republic of China was established on October 1st 1949. All of the 4 successive leaders claimed that there is only on China in the world, and Taiwan is part of China. Therefore, there were Mao Zedong¡¦s force liberation to peaceful liberation, Deng Xiaoping¡¦s peaceful liberation to ¡§one country with two systems,¡¨ Jiang Zemin¡¦s continuous ¡§one country two systems¡¨ based on Hong Kong experience, and Hu Jintao¡¦s two-side strategy ¡X ¡§milder for the milds, and firmer for the firms¡¨ and ¡§One country two systems for peaceful union.¡¨ Based on the above-mentioned background, this study compared the successive 4 leaders¡¦ breeding, learning, personalities, statecraft, leadership, value of life, and the policy on Taiwan collection and analysis of papers, periodicals, dissertations, scholars¡¦ writings, governmental publication, statistics, researches, records issued in China, and foreign periodicals, dissertations, and writings. Hopefully, the results were expected to be helpful to reveal China¡¦s strategies for Taiwan by describing in detail about the origins, historical causes, and possible future development between Taiwan and China. The final goal is helping China and Taiwan to understand each other more deeply and to have more friendly interactions, thus there would be more opportunities for the two parities to cooperate and benefit both sides.

The present work describes the model of heuristic judgment of Kahneman & Frederick (2002) and two experiments based upon it. According to the model people answer a question with an answer to an easier question when making a heuristic judgment. This process is called the attribute substitution because a target attribute of a question is substituted by an associated and easier accessible heuristic attribute. The first experiment investigated whether two heuristic attributes can be used simultaneously during making of a judgment. A part of participants gave 1 or 4 reasons for one of the statements in Linda problem (Tversky & Kahneman, 1983). Numbers of reasons were selected so as to produce a feeling of fluency of disfluency. Although the conjunction fallacy occurred, the writing of the reasons didn't have any influence on the assessment of the probability of the related statement. The second experiment investigated whether the priming of the relation between processing fluency and risk can influence the effect of pronounceability of a food additive name on the assessment of its harmfulness. In accord with previous study (Song & Schwarz, 2009) it was shown that food additives with less pronounceable names were considered as more harmful. The priming didn't have any effect. The present studies...

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一九八四年中共官方全面宣佈以"一國兩制"作為解決台灣問題的總政策以 來,"一國兩制"成為中共對台政策的統一用語,中共黨,政,軍各級領導人及 宣傳媒體,莫不口徑一致地對海內外宣揚"一國兩制","一國兩制"成為中共 對台政策的代名詞. "一國兩制"既然如此重要,那麼,"一國兩制"究係受何 因素影響形成;其具體內涵為何;在"一國兩制"總政策指導下,中共對台政 治,軍事,經濟,貿易,社會,文化等政策為何;台灣地區對中共政策的反應 ,在中共對台政策制定上的影響程度如何,這些問題都是本論文企圖進行瞭 解和分析的內容.本論文共計六章十九節,約十一萬餘字.首章為導論,旨在 說明本論文的研究動機和目的,以闡述本文寫作之旨趣;並說明本論文的研 究方法及研究途徑,以陳述本文研究之架構;最後,再提出本文利用系統理 論作為全文寫作架構後,本論文的基本架構.第二章為"一國兩制"--新時期 中共對台總政策,首先將中共對台政策分為兩大時期,對"一國兩制"提出前 之中共對台政策作歷史性的回顧;其次並將自國際,國家及個人等三個層次 來分析"一國兩制"的形成背景;最後將說明"一國兩制"的形成過程,理論根 據,具體內涵及其規劃下的統一架構,期望對這個新時期中共對台總政策, 作一個全盤的分析與全面的瞭解.第三章,第四章和第五章為本論文的研究 重點,分別由政治軍事,經濟貿易和社會文化等三方面來探究中共對台政 策,由中共各級領導人講話與官方發表的文件來研析中共對台的政策面;其 次再由實踐面來探究中共對台政治宣傳,外交封鎖,軍事恫嚇,經貿利誘,吸 引台資,社會統戰,文化交流等面向的實際作法;最後並提出台灣地區官方 與民間對中共對台政策與作法之反應,藉以論証台灣地區的反應與中共對 台政策之間的互動影響關係.第六章為結論,首先把中共對台政策的原則不 變與策略靈活運用的情勢作一總結分析;然後據此分析來推論在台灣地區 官方可能反應下,中共對台政策的幾種可能演變,以及在雙方彼此政策推行 下兩岸關係的可能發展;最後,作者將對中共及台灣地區官方與民間在面對 兩岸未來發展時的對策和作法,提出建議.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Hong Kong, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 75-84).

中國在香港的一國兩制以高度自治為治理基礎,香港在1997回歸中國後已過了18個年頭,中國政府當初在中英聯合聲明中所給予香港的承諾如：高度自治,資本主義,以及人權自由,然而,這些承諾在今日的香港發展的如何為此論文的研究目的。研究方法採取文獻分析法以及次級資料分析,並且運用官方文件和香港大學的民意調查來做為研究基礎。研究結果發現,香港的高度自治尤其是在民主發展的進程,中國政府依然扮演著重要的角色,另一方面,除了新聞自由在近年來備受波及外其他方面的人權自由皆沒有明顯受侵害的趨勢。香港繁榮在回歸之後雖然幾度陷入全球蕭條的影響但在和中國快速經濟整合的背景下,香港的經濟得以維持在一定水準,但貧富差距等問題造成香港政府及社會的隱憂。 / This research is an attempt to conduct a preliminary assessment of one-country two systems in Hong Kong since the handover of sovereignty from British government back to China in 1997, particularly on the aspects of high degree of autonomy and economic performance. As promised in Sino-British Joint Declaration in 1984 that China pledged to be committed to sustain high degree of autonomy and way of life, capitalism in Hong Kong and this policy would remain unchanged for 50 years. This research draws heavily on secondary data and documentary analysis to answer the research questions, and the research found out that high degree of autonomy, way of life, have in some parts been enchroahed upon. On the other hand, the prosperity of Hong Kong has been ensured.

本論文旨在探討澳門主權的歸屬，亦即中國與葡國在有關澳門地位問題上的爭議。中葡關係是中國與西方國家接觸的開端，葡人自一五五三年起，迄今在澳門已住了四百四十年。葡國佔住澳門歷明、清、民國、中共而不斷，認為「久佔之地，必有主權」，乃根據羅馬法上的時效原則，而中國 一直認為澳門乃「天朝地界」，准許葡人佔住乃中國皇帝的恩准。中葡雙方各持己見，學者也一直未能有效釐清。 不過，比對中、葡、意、荷、英、日各方資料後，便可見前人對澳門問題之見解實頗多偏頗之處，其原因乃在忽略中外資料之客觀比對。本論文可以斷言，葡人得以入居澳門，實在中國明朝末年的一種機緣巧合。葡人得以久居澳門，一方面由於中國認為此情況符合本身國家利益，另一方面則由於葡人善於迎合中國皇帝與官員心理。大量歷史事實顯示，葡人長期以來是在中國享有完整的澳門主權前提下，在澳門行使有限度的自治權的。這種類以唐代蕃坊的情況一直維持至一八四○年中英鴉片戰爭爆發。 由於清廷的戰敗與衰微，葡國遂於一八四九年以政變方式，將葡人的有限自治權擴大成排他管理權，將中國官員全部逐出澳門，令中國主權無法在澳門行使。一八八七年的《中葡和好通商條約》，確認了葡國可以「永居、管理」澳門。 然而，中國一直沒有放棄過澳門主權。自一九一二年民國成立以來，歷任中國政府都企圖在澳門恢復行使主權。一九七九年二月，葡國終於承認澳門只是葡國管理之下的中國領土。一九八七年四月，中共與葡國簽訂了《聯合聲明》，決定了澳門將於二○○○年之前回歸中國。一九九三年三月，中共「八屆人大」通過了《澳門基本法》，為中共將來在「一國兩制」方針下統治澳門提供了法律根據。中葡兩國之間存在四百四十年的澳門地位問題，至此遂告結束。