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宋詞研究學者提出許多詞律上的規定與特色，然而有關宋詞詞調之間的互動研究仍相當缺乏，因此本研究旨在探討北宋詞人姜夔的十七首自度曲當中語言形式的規定與音樂的關係。本篇研究包含語料庫與理論分析，其中語料庫分析針對結構、節奏與聲調歸納出姜夔十七首詞當中的傾向，並佐以數據分析。理論分析根據優選理論的框架說明姜夔作品中的語言形式如何選擇，並證實所有輸出值皆可用階級式制約來決定。本篇研究希望能解釋宋詞中語言與音樂的關係並為詞牌規定提出不同觀點。 / Researchers of Song verses have often proposed the rules to describe the poetic composition, but few have focused on the interactions between verse language and music. Therefore, the aim of the study attempts to explore how music and the linguistic requirements are related in Jiang Kuei’s seventeen verses. This research involves a corpus-based and a theoretical analyses. The corpus-based analysis focuses on structure, rhythm and tone to generalize the patterns of Jiang’s verses on a statistic basis. Under the framework of Optimality Theory, the theoretical analysis explains Jiang’s linguistic and musical arrangements in verses and confirms that the output forms are determined by a hierarchy of constraints. To conclude, this study sheds new light on the relationship between music and language and provides a fresh perspective on the Song verse formats.

Submitted by Mariana Dornelles Vargas (marianadv) on 2015-05-13T11:54:46Z No. of bitstreams: 1 aquisicao_onsets.pdf: 652262 bytes, checksum: 861016c9e4c45527818887574b6b636b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-13T11:54:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 aquisicao_onsets.pdf: 652262 bytes, checksum: 861016c9e4c45527818887574b6b636b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Nenhuma / Este trabalho tem por objetivo refletir sobre a aquisição de onsets complexos por crianças com desenvolvimento fonológico normal, entre as idades de 2 e 5 anos, aproximadamente, embasando-se na Teoria da Otimidade. Por ser a última estrutura estabilizada no sistema lingüístico da criança, a seqüência CCV merece discussão sobre as peculiaridades de sua aquisição, visto que estruturas mais simples, como V e CV já fazem parte do sistema fonológico de crianças entre as idades de 1:0 e 1:4. A pesquisa conta com a descrição do percurso de aquisição da sílaba complexa por oito informantes, cujos dados fazem parte de investigações desenvolvidas na UNISINOS. Diante desses dados, tecem-se considerações sobre as produções que não evidenciaram a forma alvo (CCV) e sobre os contextos favoráveis à sua realização. São feitas, ainda, comparações com estudos já realizados, como os de Magalhães (2000), Ávila (2000), Ribas (2002) e Redmer (2007), entre outros. Destaca-se que, de acordo com os dados analisados, os sujeitos evidenciam duas etapas durante a aquisição da estrutura CCV: produção C1V >> produção C1C2V. A análise deste percurso como base na Teoria da Otimidade mostra seu grande poder explicativo. Este estudo, então, pretende contribuir com reflexões sobre a aquisição da fonologia por crianças de 2 a 5 anos, valendo-se da Teoria da Otimidade, além de trazer informações sobre fenômenos normalmente observados na linguagem infantil. / This paper proposes reflections about language acquisition from children with normal phonologic development, between the ages of 2 and 5, based on Optimality Theory. For being the last structure stabilized in the child linguistic system, the sequence CCV leads to a reflection on the peculiarities of its acquisition, since simpler structures, as V and CV, already are part of the children phonologic system between the age of 1:0 and 1:4. The research describes the complex syllable acquisition by eight informers that are part of researches realized at UNISINOS. It made considerations about outputs that had not evidenced the right form and about the favorable contexts to the correct speech of complex onset. There are also comparisons with studies already done, like Magalhães (2000), Avila (2000), Ribas (2002) and Redmer (2007), among others. According to the analyzed data, the children show two steps during the structure CCV acquisition: production C1V >> production C1C2V. These reflections based on Optimality Theory showed its great explaining power. Then, this study wants to contribute with reflections about the language acquisition for children by 2 to 5, based on Optimality Theory, beyond brings information about phenomena observed on children language.

Esta dissertação apresenta um estudo acerca da ordem pronominal do português brasileiro (PB) atual. O objetivo da pesquisa é investigar as razões para a mudança de ênclise para próclise, atestada em meados do século XIX, e o uso do pronome tônico em função de objeto direto, observado no PB atual, que, pela nossa hipótese, é a estratégia empregada na tentativa de se recuperar a ordem SVO, perdida quando, em meados do século XIX, a próclise se tornou categórica. Fizemos um levantamento bibliográfico a respeito da ordem pronominal em momentos anteriores da língua a fim de entender o momento atual pelo qual o PB está passando. A reunião de todos esses trabalhos nos possibilitou explicar, via Teoria da Otimidade (OT), (i) as causas que levaram o português antigo (PA) a admitir, primeiramente, a ênclise; (ii) a mudança da ênclise para a próclise em uma fase posterior ao PA; e (iii) a coexistência de próclise e pronome tônico, no caso dos pronomes eu, tu, nós, me, te, nos, e a prevalência do pronome tônico, nos casos de você(s), ele(a/s) e a gente no PB atual. A OT nos forneceu embasamento para investigar as restrições que atuaram no PA e que estão atuando no PB atual, a hierarquia das restrições e a mudança nessa hierarquia, que foi essencial na explicação das alterações no quadro pronominal que nos propusemos a estudar. Averiguamos que as restrições presentes na gramática do PA – e em fase posterior, quando ocorre a mudança da ordem pronominal – não dão conta de explicar o que vem acontecendo com o PB na atualidade. Por isso, acreditamos, uma nova restrição – *PRONOPOD – desempenha hoje papel fundamental na colocação pronominal do PB. Empregando essa nova restrição às análises, chegamos à hierarquia de restrições do PB atual e constatamos que, no que tange aos pronomes de fato, quando o foco recai sobre o objeto, há uma oscilação de duas gramáticas ainda flutuantes. Também concluímos que a implementação do pronome pleno como objeto tenha se dado, primeiramente, com o pronome ele e, posteriormente, se espalhado pelo quadro pronominal. / This dissertation presents a study on pronoun placement of actual Brazilian Portuguese (BP). Its aim is investigate the reasons for the changing from enclisis to proclisis, occurred in mid-nineteenth century, and the use of the lexical pronoun in object position, observed in the actual BP, which, by our analysis, is the strategy used in the attempt to recover the SVO order, lost when proclisis became categorical. We did a bibliographic survey about the pronoun placement in previous moments of language in order to understand the current moment the BP is passing by. The joining of all these studies allowed us to explain, via Optimality Theory (OT), (i) the causes that led the former Portuguese (FP) to admit firstly enclisis, (ii) the change from enclisis to proclisis in FP at a later stage, and (iii) the coexistence of proclisis and lexical pronoun, in the case of the pronouns eu, tu, nós, me, te, nos, and the prevalence of lexical pronoun, in the cases of você(s), ele(a/s) and a gente in the current BP. OT provided the basis for investigating the constraints that acted in FP and that are acting in the PB, the hierarchy of restrictions and the changing in this hierarchy, which was essential in explaining the changes in the pronominal framework that we proposed to study here. We noticed that the restrictions present in the FP – and at a later stage, when the change of pronoun order occurs – did not explain what is happening to the PB today. Therefore, we believe, a new constraint – *PRONOPOD – plays today a key role in pronoun placement in BP. Using this new restriction in the analysis, we come to the hierarchy of constraints of the current BP and we found that, with respect to real pronouns, when the focus is on the object, there is an oscillation between two floating grammars. We also concluded that the implementation of the lexical pronoun as the object has been given, first, with the pronoun ele, and later spread to the other pronouns.

本計畫擬於優選理論 (Prince & Smolensky 1993/2004) 框架下，探討現代華語擬聲詞在音韻上的特點與表現，並分析優選理如何論操作單音節及雙音節輸入項所衍生出的雙音節擬聲詞，進而完全或部分重疊成三音節及四音節華語擬聲詞。擬聲詞為模仿自然界中的聲音形成的詞彙，但並非隨意衍生形成，仍然需要遵循語言的構詞及音韻規律，才能衍生成為合法詞彙並順暢地使用。在華語音韻研究方面，歷來學者對於擬聲詞的討論並不豐富詳盡，因此本碩士論文便嘗試探討華語雙音節、三音節及四音節擬聲詞在音韻分析中的樣貌。 重疊在漢語擬聲詞中為極為常見的現象。如現代華語中單音節的「咕」與雙音節的「咕咕」；雙音節的「滴答」與四音節的「滴滴答答」。故擬聲詞衍生中的重疊機制為本計畫中主要討論議題，此外由於華語擬聲詞結構在音段選擇中展現一致性，故另聚焦於固定音段， 如邊音/l/及前元音/i/在現代華語擬聲詞中高度頻繁地出現，我將對其起源提出假設並分析，如現代華語「劈哩啪啦」的/l/及/i/。而華語雙音節擬聲詞的來源二分為單音節輸入項及雙音節輸入項亦為討論對象。 最後預期華語擬聲詞大致符合現代華語成詞的語法，但進行重疊時與實詞相異，語意因素不會成為衍生動機；經由優選理論分析，從音韻結構角度切入，不僅可了解華語擬聲詞衍生的制約排序，亦更加了解其音韻構詞規範，且與實詞如形容詞進行重疊時的制約排序進行比較，說明華語擬聲詞在衍生過程中傾向遵循邊緣音韻規則，與其他實詞多依據核心音韻 規則的狀況大異其趣。以此為基石去了解其他漢語方言對於擬聲成詞的標準，甚或研究日語、韓語中豐富的擬聲詞，便能構擬出擬聲成詞更具體且具有說服力的語法規則。 / In this thesis, the generation of Modern Mandarin disyllabic, trisyllabic and quadrisyllabic onomatopoeia under phonological viewpoint via Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky 1993/2004) approach will be discussed. In my M.A. Thesis ‘An OT analysis of Mandarin Onomatopoeia’, four factors motivated this study. First, the different sources of Mandarin disyllabic onomatopoeia which I thought there are monosyllabic and disyllabic inputs aroused my interests. Second, there are some similarities of Mandarin onomatopoeia between Mandarin core lexicons. Third, the reduplication mechanism in Mandarin onomatopoeia will be taken as a main point in this study. For example, in Modern Mandarin ‘gu’ (Sound of bird sing once) will extend into ‘gugu’ (Sound of birdsong) under total reduplication. Finally, the issue concerning what will be the best choice when Mandarin onomatopoeia is reduplicated with fixed segmentism also plays an important role in this study. For instance, the /l/ and /i/ in Modern Mandarin’s ‘pilipala’ (Sound of many things falling). Onomatopoeias have their special function as sound-imitating icons. They are not the words which are formed by arbitrary but by the rules. They sometimes violate phonological structures of the language in which they occur; hence they belong to the peripheral phonology rather than core one. The Mandarin onomatopoeia is different from Mandarin content words; they are not motivated by semantic factors. So the Chinese onomatopoeia generation analysis via OT approach supplies not only the morpho-phonological constraints but also the comparison of peripheral words between content words. I would like to assume that the Mandarin onomatopoeia generation follows the peripheral phonological rules. This study will provide as a basement to study on other Chinese language’s onomatopoeia or even onomatopoeia in Tibetan, Japanese and Korean.

Adverb positioning is guided by syntactic, semantic, and pragmatic considerations and is subject to cross-linguistic as well as language-specific variation. The goal of the thesis is to identify the factors that determine adverb placement in general (Part I) as well as in constructions in which the adverb's sister constituent is deprived of its phonetic material by movement or ellipsis (gap constructions, Part II) and to provide an Optimality Theoretic approach to the contrasts in the effects of these factors on the distribution of adverbs in English, French, and German. <br><br> In Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky 1993), grammaticality is defined as optimal satisfaction of a hierarchy of violable constraints: for a given input, a set of output candidates are produced out of which that candidate is selected as grammatical output which optimally satisfies the constraint hierarchy. Since grammaticality crucially relies on the hierarchic relations of the constraints, cross-linguistic variation can be traced back to differences in the language-specific constraint rankings. Part I shows how diverse phenomena of adverb placement can be captured by corresponding constraints and their relative rankings: <br><br> - contrasts in the linearization of adverbs and verbs/auxiliaries in English and French<br> - verb placement in German and the filling of the prefield position<br> - placement of focus-sensitive adverbs<br> - fronting of topical arguments and adverbs<br><br> Part II extends the analysis to a particular phenomenon of adverb positioning: the avoidance of adverb attachment to a phonetically empty constituent (gap). English and French are similar in that the acceptability of pre-gap adverb placement depends on the type of adverb, its scope, and the syntactic construction (English: wh-movement vs. topicalization / VP Fronting / VP Ellipsis, inverted vs. non-inverted clauses; French: CLLD vs. Cleft, simple vs. periphrastic tense). Yet, the two languages differ in which strategies a specific type of adverb may pursue to escape placement in front of a certain type of gap. In contrast to English and French, placement of an adverb in front of a gap never gives rise to ungrammaticality in German. Rather, word ordering has to obey the syntactic, semantic, and pragmatic principles discussed in Part I; whether or not it results in adverb attachment to a phonetically empty constituent seems to be irrelevant: though constraints are active in every language, the emergence of a visible effect of their requirements in a given language depends on their relative ranking. The complex interaction of the diverse factors as well as their divergent effects on adverb placement in the various languages are accounted for by the universal constraints and their language-specific hierarchic relations in the OT framework. / Die Positionierung von Adverbien wird von syntaktischen, semantischen und pragmatischen Erwägungen geleitet; sie unterliegt der zwischen-sprachlichen als auch der einzel-sprachlichen Variation. Ziel der Arbeit ist es, diejenigen Faktoren zu identifizieren, die ausschlaggebend sind für die Platzierung von Adverbien im allgemeinen (Teil I) sowie in speziellen Konstruktionen, in denen die Schwesterkonstituente eines Adverbs aufgrund von Bewegung oder Ellipse kein phonetisches Material enthält (Gap-Konstruktionen, Teil II). Des weiteren sollen die unterschiedlichen Ausprägungen dieser Faktoren in den distributionalen Mustern des Englischen, Französischen und Deutschen in einem optimalitätstheoretischen Rahmen erklärt werden. <br><br> In der Optimalitätstheorie (Prince & Smolensky 1993) ist Grammatikalität als optimale Erfüllung einer Hierarchie von verletzbaren Constraints definiert: Für einen gegebenen Input wird eine Menge von Outputkandidaten bereitgestellt, aus der derjenige Kandidat als grammatischer Output gewählt wird, der die Constrainthierarchie am besten erfüllt. Da die hierarchischen Relationen der Constraints für die Ermittlung des grammatischen Outputs entscheidend sind, kann zwischen-sprachliche Variation auf Diskrepanzen in den einzel-sprachlichen Constrainthierarchien zurückgeführt werden. Der erste Teil der Arbeit zeigt, wie diverse Phänomene der Adverbstellung mit entsprechenden Constraints und ihren Anordnungen erfasst werden können: <br><br> - Kontraste in der Linearisierung von Adverbien und Verben/Auxiliaren im Englischen und Französischen<br> - Verbplatzierung im Deutschen und Vorfeldbesetzung<br> - Platzierung von fokus-sensitiven Adverbien<br> - Voranstellung von topikalen Argumenten und Adverbien <br><br> Der zweite Teil der Arbeit spezialisiert sich auf ein bestimmtes Phänomen der Adverbpositionierung: das Meiden der Adverb-Adjunktion an eine phonetisch leere Konstituente (Gap). Englisch und Französisch ähneln sich insofern, als die Akzeptabilität der Adverbpositionierung vor einem Gap beeinflusst wird vom Typ des Adverbs, seinem Skopus und der syntaktischen Konstruktion (Englisch: wh-Bewegung vs. Topikalisierung / VP Voranstellung / VP Ellipse, invertierte vs. nicht-invertierte Sätze; Französisch: CLLD vs. Cleft, einfache vs. periphrastische Tempusformen). Die beiden Sprachen unterscheiden sich jedoch darin, ob - und falls ja - welche Strategie ein bestimmter Typ von Adverb verfolgen kann, um der Stellung vor einem speziellen Gap zu entkommen. Im Gegensatz zum Englischen und Französischen führt die Stellung eines Adverbs vor einem Gap im Deutschen nie zu Ungrammatikalität. Vielmehr hat die Adverbpositionierung den in Teil I diskutierten syntaktischen, semantischen und pragmatischen Prinzipien zu gehorchen; ob dies in der Adjunktion eines Adverbs an eine phonetisch leere Konstituente resultiert, scheint dabei irrelevant: Obwohl Constraints in jeder Sprache aktiv sind, hängt es von ihrer relativen Anordnung zueinander ab, ob sie einen sichtbaren Effekt in einer gegebenen Sprache hinterlassen. Die komplexe Interaktion der diversen Faktoren sowie deren divergierende Ausprägung auf die Adverbplatzierung in den unterschiedlichen Sprachen können in der Optimalitätstheorie auf die universalen Constraints und deren einzel-sprachliche Anordnung zurückgeführt werden.

published_or_final_version / Linguistics / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

This dissertation addresses the way a linguistic grammar can yield to poetic organization in a poetic text. To this end, two corpora are studied: the sung lyrics of country music singer Hank Williams, Sr. and the rapped lyrics of gansgta rap artist Snoop Dogg. Following a review of relevant literature, an account of the poetic grammar for each corpus is provided, including the manifestation of musical meter and grouping in the linguistic text, the reflection of metrical grouping in systematic rhyme, and rhyme fellow correspondence. In the Williams corpus, final cadences pattern much as in the English folk verse studied in Hayes and MacEachern (1998), but differ in that there are more, and therefore more degrees of saliency. Rhyme patterns reflect grouping structure and correlate to patterns in final cadences, and imperfect rhyme is limited to phonologically similar codas. In the Snoop Dogg corpus syllables do not always align with the metrical grid, metrical mapping and rhyme patterning often challenge grouping structure, and imperfect rhyme is more diverse, as has been shown to be the case for contemporary rap generally (Krims 2000, Katz 2008). Following Rice (1997), Golston (1998), Reindl and Franks (2001), Michael (2003), and Fitzgerald (2003, 2007), meter, grouping and rhyme are modeled as driving phonological, morphological and syntactic deviation in Optimality Theoretic terms. In the Hank Williams corpus, metrical mapping and grouping constraints are shown to drive a number of linguistically deviatory phenomena including stress shift, syllabic variation and allomorphy, while rhyme patterning constraints govern syntactic inversion. In the Snoop Dogg corpus, rhyme fellow correspondence and rhyme patterning constraints play a more significant role, driving enjambment, syllabic variation, and allomorphy. Some linguistically deviatory phenomena derive from ordinary language variation, e.g. (flawr)~(flaw.[schwa]r), and some do not, e.g. syllable insertion in insista. The latter is more common in the Snoop Dogg corpus. / text

在有關漢語聲調與英語輕重音的借字研究中，英語重音與漢語聲調的對應並不一致，因此，本篇研究分別從語料庫與優選理論的觀點，重新檢驗漢語借字中漢語聲調與英語輕重音的關係。觀察語料庫發現英語重音傾向與包含高音 (high pitch) 的聲調對應，因此本文提ANCHOR-L(H,σ) 和ANCHOR-R(H, σ) 制約，分別要求英語重音節的H音高要固定在對應音節聲調的左端或右端。在*[+voiced]/[+H]- 和 *[-voiced]/[-H]- 的制約下，輸出值呈現voice enhancement的效果。換句話說，*[+voiced]/[+H]- 制約要求含有聲聲母之英語重音節與低起始音域的聲調對應；*[-voiced]/[-H]- 制約要求含無聲聲母之英語重音節與高起始音域的聲調對應。含有聲聲母之英語重音節可能對應到高平調或中升調，制約層級的改變能預測之。若ANCHOR-L(H,σ)與ANCHOR-R(H,σ)支配*[+voiced]/[+H]- ，則高平調被選出，但是，若 *[+voiced]/[+H]- 支配ANCHOR-L(H,σ) 與 ANCHOR-R(H,σ)，則中升調被選出。在RELCORR制約的要求下，對應重音節聲調的左端調值不低於對應輕音節聲調的左端調值。 / The studies of Mandarin loanwords adapted from English have suggested different tonal preferences in correspondence to English stress. This thesis reexamines the relationship between stress and tone in the English-to-Mandarin loanwords based on a corpus and the Optimality Theory. Two anchoring constraints, ANCHOR-L(H,σ) and ANCHOR-R(H,σ) are proposed to require the realization of the pitch accent H of the English stressed syllables, indicating the fact that English stress prefers a tone with a high pitch. The *[+voiced]/[+H]- and *[-voiced]/[-H]- constraints show a pattern of voice enhancement. *[+voiced]/[+H]- requires an English stressed syllable with a voiced onset to be adapted with an initially low-registered tone; *[-voiced]/[-H]- requires an English stressed syllable with a voiceless onset to be adapted with an initially high-registered tone. In addition, constraint re-ranking predicts the alternatively choices between the H-tone and the MH-tone for an English stressed syllable with a voiced onset. The H-tone is selected if ANCHOR-L(H,σ)and ANCHOR-R(H,σ) outrank *[+voiced]/[+H]-; whereas the MH-tone is chosen if *[+voiced]/[+H]- dominates these two anchoring constraints. The RELCORR constraint requires a left-edge tonal correspondence, where the left-edge pitch of a tone that corresponds to an English stressed syllable is not lower than one that corresponds to an English unstressed syllable.