March 1971 was tough for President Richard Nixon. The American people were tired of the Vietnam War, with many still recovering from the violent anti-war protests of 1970. Congress had just passed an amendment prohibiting U.S. ground troops from operating outside of the borders of South Vietnam. Both the public and secret negotiations with Hanoi were stalled. Confidential channels with Beijing and Moscow about diplomatic initiatives had gone cold. Moreover, Lam Son 719, the joint U.S. and South Vietnamese incursion into Laos that began in February, was turning out to be a failure. The operation, Nixon’s military gamble to prove the success of Vietnamization, would show the opposite—that the South Vietnamese were not ready to take over the fighting from the Americans. Yet, on 7 April 1971, Nixon announced in a television address that “Vietnamization has succeeded,” and that he would accelerate the withdrawal of American troops “because of the achievements of the South Vietnamese operation in Laos.” Many expected Nixon to increase the rate of troop withdrawals no matter the outcome of Lam Son 719. However, instead of being punished at the polls for his lack of credibility, as some in the press were predicting, in 1972, Nixon transfixed the nation with trips to Beijing and Moscow and won re-election by 49 out of 50 states. This thesis mines archival documents from the Nixon Presidential Library, the U.S. media, and television transcripts to explain how and why Nixon re-shaped the story of Lam Son 719 and his Vietnamization policy to persuade a dispirited American people to accept withdrawal from Vietnam. This political comeback, often overshadowed by Watergate, provides unique perspectives on presidential communications.

This thesis presents and analyses the process of impeachment relating to the Presidents of European Union Member States. The thesis presents and analyses individual constitutional models of impeachment across Member States based on the constitutional players involved in the impeachment process, who decides on the initiation of the whole process and how, under what conditions the impeachment process can be initiated, for what offences the President can be impeached, which authorities have the power to decide on the outcome of the complaint, what penalties the President faces and whether it is possible to reverse the decision of these authorities in some way. The thesis also analyses impeachment processes that have taken place against European Presidents thus far, namely, the impeachment of Lithuanian President Paksas, Romanian President Basescu and the only attempt at a constitutional complaint to date against Czech President Václav Klaus. Three main models of impeachment can be identified in the framework of European constitutions, depending on which authority has the power to remove the President from office. Most European countries use the judicial model where the President is removed from office at the decision of a judicial authority. Judicial authorities can be of a dual nature. They can be...

This thesis focuses on the depictions of Czech and Czechoslovak presidents in caricature. It deals with the timespan between the foundation of Czechoslovakia and the present, within which it examines the cartoon representations of presidents. The thesis deals with the period of the First Czechoslovak Republic, the Second Czechoslovak Republic, the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, the period from 1945 to 1948 (also known as the Third Czechoslovak Republic), the communist regime of the 1950s and 1960s, the Prague Spring, the era of normalization and the Velvet Revolution. It aims to describe the reasons why and how each president is depicted in one way or another within a given era, or in some cases why he is not depicted at all. The thesis pays special attention to the issues of freedom of the press and speech and also to the laws against the defamation of the head of state, and sees them as direct factors influencing the depictions. The thesis further aims to place the cartoons in their socio-political context and deduce from it what was the public perception of each head of state in the various stages of our history. The research sample is primarily based on period caricatures in the press, containing a wide spectrum of opinions and periodicity. The thesis also uses file catalogs of the most...

The Diploma thesis focuses on the approach of the presidents of the Czech Republic to the power of appointment, dismissal and reconstruction of the government from 1993 to the present. In selected cases it compares individual specifics of approaches and interpretation. From the obtained data it is possible to compare the development of the approach over time and the development of the position of presidents within the Czech political system. The main source of the thesis is content analysis of the period media and other connected documents. Theoretically, the thesis is based on specialized literature focused on position and application of powers of presidents.

This paper investigates  the factors  which influence  top management  turnover  in the Chinese real estate industry. The three main announced  reasons for top management turnover  are occupation  mobility 、 expiration  of the term and quit. In the empirical analysis, I find that three statistically  significant reasons for turnover are firm size 、 turnover  of first shareholder  and proportion  of independent  director.  Furthermore,  I study  how  firm performance  affect  top  management  turnover.  This  paper  uses  two different  firm  performance  indexes.  One  is financial  index-ROA  (Return  on  asset). The other is stock index-EPS  (Earnings per share). Significant  negative relations are found between total chairman turnover and earnings per share and lagged earnings per share.

This diploma thesis is devoted to the comparative analysis of presidential elections in Ukraine in relation to the theory of hybrid regimes. First, the thesis illuminates the events that happened in the beginning of the Ukrainian independence which affected the distribution of power between executive and legislative branches. The comparative analysis is applied to the particular elections in the years 1999, 2004 and 2010 with emphasis on the pre-electoral campaigns, legislative changes, election process, respect to rules, election results and the fundamental events which influenced the elections. Next, the thesis analyses elections mentioned above on the ground of the elected theories of hybrid regimes with the goal to assess to their democratic character.

of the Master thesis The thesis deals with relation of the constitutional framework (institutional architecture) and democratic consolidation. Institutional framework has undoubtedly an impact on the stability of a political system. A scholar debate of suitability of presidential form of government has been started by Linz and Valenzuela in the late 1980s. The political development of East European countries allows us to study relation of constitutional framework, certain forms of government and political stability (the core of the theoretical part of the thesis). Focusing on Central and East European political systems, the thesis tries to explore, how much the strengthened position of the president, disposing constitutional powers is conducive the systemic stability, instability respectively. The Moldovan case offers the possibility in the great extent; the system has undergone both the semi-presidentialism and parliamentarism, electing its president by using the popular as well as indirect vote. The position of the Moldovan president influences the stability of the political system to the certain extent. At the end, an alternative notion of the semi-presidentialism based on the principal-agent theory is developed.

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This dissertation argues that John Quincy Adams’s American identity and views on the United States’ nation building process in the early republic were directly influenced by Great Britain’s politics and culture over his lengthy public service career. From this argument, this project inverts historiographical trends that tend to treat Adams as a footnote to the rise of Jacksonian Democracy or focus on his late career battles against slavery in the House of Representatives. Instead of these limiting approaches, I examine Adams’s complicated relationship with Britain by unpacking the distinct periods when he lived in London from the 1783 to 1817. Over six chapters, I focus on his three stays in London in the 1780s, diplomatic missions of varying lengths from 1794 to 1797, and his two years as ambassador in Britain from 1815-1817. I reveal how Adams, with unquestionable ties to the American Revolution through his parents John and Abigail, navigated a paradoxical relationship with Britain as a prominent public figure in the United States. He both engaged with and admired Britain’s relative stability, social life, and spectrum of reforming ideas while remaining wary of its diplomacy and perceived corrupting influences. Given Adams’s career longevity, he can be viewed as a central link between the American Revolution and the Civil War and, by proxy, both his and his nation’s complicated uncoupling from Britain as he served his nation nearly continuously from 1781 to 1848. This dissertation argues that even after the United States declared its independence from Britain, Adams’s worldview continued to be shaped by his travels to Britain, marriage to an Englishwoman, and consumption of British culture. They ensured his life-long, inextricable ties to Great Britain and are valuable lenses to illustrate America’s nation building into the 1840s from a biographical perspective. In constructing these arguments, my research draws primarily from Adams’s voluminous personal papers, namely his 14,000-page diary. These sources are contextualized by underutilized British sources on Adams from the Public Record and Foreign Offices in addition to personal papers from his British associates. / 2025-11-30T00:00:00Z

On Nov. 15, 2021, President Biden signed the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act into law. The purpose of this legislation is evident in its name as it encompasses funding for “roads, bridges, railroads, airports, public transportation, access to broadband internet, and clean water” (Stradling, 2021). The revenue to support the $1.2 trillion Act will mainly result from “repurposing COVID-19 relief funds and unused unemployment benefits, delaying a Medicare rebate, and enacting stronger cryptocurrency reporting requirements" (Stradling, 2021). Although there are few provisions in this Act that will affect the average taxpayer, there are some that tax preparers should note.