This thesis titled Analysis of Media Image of Milos Zeman as Portrayed by CTK during the First Year of Presidency focuses on news releases made by Czech News Agency CTK that within the time frame of 8. 3. 2013 - 8. 3. 2014 inform about the President of the Czech Republic Milos Zeman. The goal of this thesis was to aquire a complex media impression of President as presented by CTK's news production. Primarily this thesis inquires into the total number of news releases within particular time periods, their topics and tonality. Secondarily this thesis observes the trends of these phenomenons within a one-year time horizon and the connection and coherence among the aforementioned phenomenons. The basis of this thesis is theoretical context that deals with news releases and pursues media construction of reality in the news. For this research there was used quantitative content analysis with qualitative overlap in form of emotional impression of news releases. As a data resource there was used an aggregate of texts from CTK's infobank. Research proved certain hypothesis, as e.g. a long-term dropping tendency of media interest in President Zeman or a higher number of negatively rather than positively tinted news. The results of this analysis can serve as resources to employees of the press division of the...

This paper describes and compares funerals of three presidents, Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk, Klement Gottwald and Václav Havel. They were all iconic characters of their time and their funerals reflect presidents'unique position. In the speeches of politicians and in the newspapers, the deceased presidents turned into supernatural beings, heroes, who gave their lives for their country. As a response to this "sacrifice", oaths of loyalty to their legacy were sworn and people committed to follow the path the presidents established. Theories of Maurice Bloch and Edmund Leach permit to show how the death of the head of the state, potentially destructive event, is transformed by the ritual and helps further strengthen the unity of society.

The theme "Direct election of head of state and its influence on the constitutional relations" has been chosen by its author due to the continuing public debate about this topic in the Czech Republic. The second reason is the fact that despite the approaching end of tenure of the current head of the state it is still unclear how the successor will be chosen. This thesis examines the suitability or unsuitability of possible introduction of direct election of head of state in the Czech Republic and its possible form. The aim is, however, not to answer the question "Direct election yes or no?" but rather to professionally contribute to the society-wide debate on this issue and to rectify it. The introduction of the direct election itself, without further changes of the Constitution of the Czech Republic, would, according to the author's opinion, not be an entirely appropriate step. Author's aim was to bring complex material containing, if possible, all the aspects of the issue. Without a broader understanding of theoretical concepts, foreign examples, historical development, but also of the valid legislation regarding the election of the head of state as well as of its powers and duties, it is not possible to conduct the relevant discussion on possible constitutional changes in this sense. The thesis...

The theme of the Thesis "The Direct Election of the President of the Czech Republic" has been chosen by its author with regard to the currency of this topic. It could have been expected that during the formulation of this Thesis the adoption of the Implementing Act, as well as the very first direct presidential elections, is held. The aim of the Thesis is to provide the most comprehensive view of regulation of presidential election, to summarize theoretical basis, to analyse the legislative procedure and to try to suggest possible amendments. The Thesis is composed of five chapters. Chapter One introduces generally the term "Head of State" and defines the way of its election in different republics. In the Second Chapter, the author generally deals with the role and powers of the president according to the Constitution of the Czech Republic. The Third Chapter addresses the historical development of presidential election legislation. The Parliamentary election had a long historical tradition in our country, which is the reason why the author analyses the presidential elections in the various constitutions since 1918. The Fourth Chapter is divided into three parts and contains various proposals for constitutional laws establishing direct election. In the First Subchapter, there are suggestions of the...

台灣人民一直以來都嚮往民主，而在經濟蓬勃發展下，人民則進而渴望得到更多的自由。海峽另一岸的中華人民共和國距離台灣不過咫尺之距，位於北京的人民政府更虎視眈眈地等待每一個可以應其主張，一統台灣非法政權的機會。台灣的菁英份子對於這個迫切的時局卻相當覺醒，因而促進了和國民黨的「一中政策」持相反意見，支持「台灣獨立」的民主進步黨的成立。雖然兩方對於民主的走向和未來發展有所對立，但面對中華人民共和國的崛起，他們對於 — 強而有力的政府才能有效捍衛台灣當前得來不易的自主，這項觀點的認知卻不謀而合。西元1992年至1997年間的改革正是基於這項認知下，國民黨與民進黨，兩方相互做出的妥協才得以促成。民進黨藉由凍省，得以將台灣朝完全獨立推近一步，而國民黨則能夠保有執政權力，並在海峽兩岸的協商中進行主導。

Call number: LD2668 .T4 1986 L41 / Master of Arts / Communication Studies

The subject of this thesis is the analysis, evaluation, and comparison of the media image of Václav Havel as a president in the context of selected events in the newspapers Rudé Právo / Právo and Lidové noviny. The theoretical part includes the biography of Václav Havel divided into three main time intervals and their subchapters. The purpose of the CV is to understand the content and context of analyzed newspaper articles in the following part of the work. The practical part includes a description of the characteristics of analyzed journals and media research methodology. The main part of the analysis is the interpretation of the results of qualitative research analyzing journalistic articles from selected periods about Václav Havel using the Grounded theory. The aim of this thesis was to find out how the media reported about Václav Havel in the context of their original political differentiation. That was achieved through research questions and answers.

Depuis la Révolution de 1789, la France a multiplié les expériences constitutionnelles et, après avoir refusé le bicamérisme, a connu depuis 1795 de nombreux régimes dotés d’une chambre haute. Les secondes assemblées républicaines, monarchistes ou impériales ont jalonné nos institutions publiques et politiques. Durant plus de deux siècles, la fonction présidentielle de la chambre haute s’est ainsi progressivement affirmée. L'éminence naturelle d'une telle charge, de même que l'autorité dont elle jouit au Palais du Luxembourg, permettent au président d'incarner la chambre haute. Cela n'empêche pas la fonction de demeurer en retrait sur le plan politique et cantonnée au périmètre caméral jusqu’en 1875. C’est alors qu’elle s’affirme, générant une influence au-delà de la haute assemblée. Son émancipation lui offre des attributions institutionnelles nouvelles. Ces missions sont efficacement remplies, attestant de la maturité de la fonction et permettant à de grands noms d’y être associés : la famille Pasquier, J. Ferry, J. Jeanneney, G. Monnerville, A. Poher… / Since the Revolution of 1789, France has multiplied the constitutional experiences. Most of political regimes have kept the bicameral system. The upper Houses, republican, monarchist or imperial, have thus marked out our institutions. For more than two centuries, the presidential function of the upper House has built its outlines.The natural eminence of such a workload, as well as the authority it enjoys in the Palais du Luxembourg, allows the President to personify the upper chamber. It doesn’t prevent the function from staying back from the political scene and confined to the cameral’perimeter until 1875. Then it asserts itself, creating an impact beyond the second chamber. Indeed, its emancipation giving new institutional attributions. These missions are successfully fulfilled, certifying the maturity of the function and allowing famous names to be related to them : the Pasquier’s family, J. Ferry, J. Jeanneney, G. Monnerville, A. Poher…

This research aims to understand how black descriptive representation comes about and why black descriptive representation matters, at the state level. What distinguishes this research from previous works is its simultaneous analysis of different forms of descriptive representation at the subnational level, rather than in Congress or at the local level. This research argues black descriptive representation can take four different forms: dyadic, collective, parity and caucus. An important and understudied mechanism for black descriptive representation is the formation of state legislative black caucuses and their potential to influence policy and behavior. Subnational descriptive representation need not have negative tradeoffs for black substantive policy representation, as has been found with minority representation in Congress (Lublin 1997). Black representation is akin to a diamond, and looking at it from only one perspective is similar to judging a diamond only by its color, instead of also judging it by its hardness and fluorescence, as well as its clarity, shape, and size. In short, this work recognizes the multifaceted nature of black representation in the states. This research defines a theory of black descriptive representation as taking four different forms: dyadic, collective, parity, and caucus. Dyadic descriptive representation is the one-to-one relationship between a legislator and a voter, and heretofore it has received the most scholarly attention. This one-to-one relationship may occur between a minority citizen and their elected representation in Congress, in the state legislature, or in local government (Bobo and Gilliam 1990; Barreto, Segura, and Woods 2004), but this work focuses on dyadic descriptive representation in Congress. Although some argue that dyadic descriptive representation leads to better policy outcomes for blacks (Whitby 1997; Hutchings, McClerking, and Charles 2004), and encourages blacks to engage in politics (Gay 2001; Gay 2002; Tate 2003; Banducci, Donovan, and Karp 2004; Griffin and Keane 2006), others argue that dyadic descriptive representation is not only unnecessary to implement policies beneficial to blacks (Swain 1993), but also that it may actually lead to poorer policy outcomes for the group (Lublin 1997). That is, there is a tradeoff between increasing the number of black representatives (descriptive representation) and passing policies beneficial to the group (substantive representation). Collective descriptive representation is the relationship that an individual has with elected officials with whom they share a group identity. For blacks, collective descriptive representation may include the percentage of black lawmakers in the state legislature or Congress. An argument developed in this research is that collective descriptive representation in the state legislature, a topic rarely studied by scholars of race and ethnicity, may maximize both descriptive and substantive representation, and as a result, it may encourage black political behavior and lead to better policy outcomes for the group. Both parity and caucus descriptive representation are extensions of collective descriptive representation in the state legislature. Parity descriptive representation examines the extent to which the percentage of blacks in the state legislature is equal to a state's black population and is a measure of racial equity in electoral representation. Caucus descriptive representation is the formal organization of black lawmakers within a state legislature. Almost no published research has empirically studied legislative black caucuses in the states (for an exception see King-Meadows and Schaller 2006). Since the four forms of descriptive representation are distinct, the expectation is that they be caused by different factors. Moreover, this research builds on previous work by measuring and defining collective descriptive representation in all fifty states and is the first research to argue that state legislative black caucuses shape political behavior.

This paper will analyze the variations in presidential policy towards the state of Israel. The main objective is to assess why and how presidents have differed since the Truman presidency. The presidents observed have a certain degree of variation and this variation has little to do with party identification. The foreign policy was mainly crafted to respond to communist expansion, the development of terrorism, pressure from American Jews, and the president’s personal connection with people of the Jewish faith.