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本研究的主要目的乃在探討國中教師與校長發生衝突時，教師的衝突反應方式是否會 因校長的領導型式和個人同理心及個人屬性變項而有差異，以期對教師的衝突反應方 式有所瞭解，作為學校行政的參考。 本研究以台北縣市國民中學教師為對象，以等距抽樣法抽取８３２位教師樣。本所使 用的研究工具計：「有領導行為描述問卷」、區別分析、多變量變異數分析及Hotell ing T 考驗等。 綜合本研究結果顯示： 一、教師知覺校長的領導型式為高關懷高倡導，則其與校長衝突時傾向採取統整的反 應方式。 二、教師知覺校長的領導型式為低關懷高倡導，則其與校長衝突時，傾向採取支配和 逃避的反應方式。 三、教師知覺校長的領導型式為低關懷高倡導，則其與校長衝突時，傾向採取忍讓及 統整、妥協的反應方式。 四、教師知覺校長的領導型式為低關懷，則其與校長衝突時，並無顯著採取那一種反 應方式。 五、教師同理心愈高，則其與校長衝突時，傾向採取統整、忍讓的反應方式。 六、教師觀點取替高者，其與校長衝突時，傾向採取統整的反應方式。 七、教師同情關懷高者，其與校長衝突時，傾向採取忍讓的方式。 八、教師身心憂急、幻想力高低與衝突反應方式相關並不顯者。 九、女性教師與校長衝突時，傾向採取逃避及忍讓的方式；男性教師傾向採取支配、 統整的反應方式。 十、高年齡組教師與校長衝突時，傾向採取逃避及忍讓的方式。

本篇論文寫作的主軸，是藉由觀察與分析2003年國家杜馬選舉，以及2004年俄羅斯總統大選，並輔以杜弗傑選舉法則(Duverger’s electoral laws)和薩托里(Giovanni Sartori)的政黨體系理論，來檢視目前俄羅斯政黨政治發展的近況。 首先，筆者針對眾家學者對於政黨的角色、功能等定義予以陳述，之後再探討政黨體系與選舉制度之間的關係。在分析政黨體系之類型時，筆者從杜弗傑和薩托里等兩位學者的政黨理論來進行論述，之後再詳細地對於杜弗傑選舉法則的效果加以探討。另一方面，筆者也簡單敘述俄羅斯政黨政治的起源與發展過程，並嘗試交待俄羅斯政黨政治的發展脈絡，最後再針對俄羅斯獨特的混合選舉制度加以介紹，並淺析該制度對於政黨體系發展的影響。 再者，筆者介紹俄羅斯聯邦國家杜馬選舉。首先，針對俄羅斯國家杜馬之地位、功能與權責等方面作一簡單介紹。之後，再對於1993、1995、1999年等三次歷屆國家杜馬選舉結果予以陳述分析，以期使讀者能更瞭解歷年俄羅斯國家杜馬選舉對於政黨政治的影響脈絡。接下來，將直接進入介紹本章的主角，即2003年國家杜馬選舉。在陳述2003年國家杜馬選舉結果之後，筆者開始分析國家杜馬選舉結果之影響，例如對俄羅斯民主化發展、政黨體系的發展等。 最後，藉由研究2004年總統大選之過程與結果，筆者分析該次選舉對於現今俄羅斯聯邦政黨體系與民主化發展的影響。在第四章的前半部，筆者先針對俄羅斯聯邦總統制的起源、總統在憲法上的地位、權責、產生與罷免相關方面的辦法作簡易敘述。之後再針對1991、1996、2000年等三次總統選舉作歷史回顧，並期望在瞭解這三次選舉所衍生的脈絡之後，能更方便於分析2004年俄羅斯總統大選。在文章的後半段，筆者介紹與分析2004年俄羅斯總統選舉的過程、結果與其影響。同時，針對俄羅斯聯邦總統選舉辦法之修正，提出具體的意見。 / Basically, the theme of this thesis focuses on the political party formation and election observation in the Russian Federation. In order to examine Russia’s political party system, the author observes and analyzes Russia’s Duma election in 2003, and the presidential election in 2004, in terms of Maurice Duverger’s electoral laws and Giovanni Sartori’s theory on party system. First of all, the author discusses the roles and functions of political parties, and then explores the interactions between party system and electoral design. By introducing the mixed electoral design, the author examines it’s unique impact on Russia’s political party system. Secondly, four State Duma elections, which were held in 1993, 1995, 1999 and 2003 respectively, are analyzed in the context of Russia’s political party formation. After discussing the jurisdiction, function, and the previous electoral results of the State Duma, the author explores the major impact of the 2003 Duma election on the development of Russia’s political party system and democratization . Finally, the author also explores the constraints of presidential elections on Russia’s party system. With a detailed discussion about the origin and authority of Russian presidency and a historical review on the 1991, 1996 and 2000 Russian presidential elections, the author analyzes the result of the 2004 Russian presidential election and its implications for Russia’s political development in years to come.

Parlamento teisės ir valstybės valdymo institucijų magistro baigiamojo darbo tema aktuali ir nauja tuo, jog šiame darbe pateikiama Lietuvos konstitucionalistų dar nenagrinėta tema, apimanti lyginamuosius tiek Lietuvos Prezidento bei Parlamento statuso, įgaliojimų, tarpinstitucinių santykių, tiek užsienio valstybių (šiuo atveju pasirinktos JAV, Portugalija bei Latvija) Prezidentų ir Parlamentų statuso, įgaliojimų ir santykių aspektus. Magistro baigiamajame darbe iškelta problema – lyginamosios analizės, susijusios su Prezidento ir Parlamento santykių aspektais trūkumas bei turimos literatūros bazės fragmentiškumas. Šio magistro darbo objektas – Prezidento ir Parlamento santykiai dabartiniu laikotarpiu Lietuvoje bei pasirinktose užsienio šalyse – JAV, Latvijoje ir Portugalijoje, kurie atskleidžiami per šių valdžių turimus konstitucinius įgaliojimus, statusą, funkcijas. Darbe iškeltas tikslas – sistemiškai, remiantis lyginamąja analize, pateikti Prezidento ir Parlamento santykių aspektus Lietuvoje bei pasirinktose užsienio šalyse per šių valdžių turimus konstitucinius įgaliojimus bei statusą, pateikti probleminių sričių sprendimo alternatyvas. Šio tikslo siekiama keliais pagrindiniais uždaviniais: analizuojant Lietuvos bei atskirų šalių (JAV, Latvijos, Portugalijos) Prezidentų ir Parlamentų statuso, funkcijų, įgaliojimų bei tarpinstitucinių santykių konstitucinę reglamentaciją, praktiką, pateikiant panašumus bei skirtumus visose nagrinėtose šalyse. Darbe iškeltos dvi hipotezės:... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The subject of the parliamentary law and public governance institutions is relevant and new, because it was not analysed before in the scientifical publications of Lithuanian constitutionalists. This subject includes the comparative aspects not only of the constitutional status, powers and interinstitutional relations between the President and the Parliament of Lithuania but also foreign countries governmental relations, status and powers (USA, Latvia and Portugal). The problem, set out in this master thesis, is the lack of systematic comparative analysis, that is connected to the presidential and parliamental relations and the fragmentary scientifical basis on this topic. The object of this thesis is the relations between the actual President and Parliament in Lithuania and three chosen foreign countries (USA, Latvia and Portugal), also their constitutional status, powers and functions that stipulates the mentioned governmental relations. The purpose of this work is to reveal the main aspects and possible solutions of the problematical situations in the sphere of presidential and parliamential relations, constitutional status, powers in the governmental field in Lithuania, USA, Latvia and Portugal. The purpose is obtained while using these main tasks: analysing the theory and the practice of the status, powers, intergovernmental relations in Lithuania, USA, Latvia and Portugal, introducing the similarities and the differences among all the mentioned countries and their... [to full text]

It is the purpose of this thesis to present the problem of Greeley's efforts to influence Abraham Lincoln, with specific emphasis upon the Illinoisian's nomination, his election, his attitude toward secession before his inauguration, and his Presidential policies during the four years that he served as chief executive in the White House.

The distribution of power between the executive branch and the legislative branch in the realm of foreign policy is a delicate balance and one that has been debated since the Founding Fathers met in Philadelphia in the summer of 1787. The debate has gotten no less intense and no less crucial in the modern, nuclear age, and it remains unresolved. The Reagan administration's foray into Nicaragua during the 1980's and its confrontations with Congress during that time period illuminate the complexities of the power-sharing arrangement in foreign policy and offer the ideal case study of executive-legislative war power. The lessons to be drawn from America's involvement in Nicaragua are that the expanded Presidential power in the realm of foreign policy are necessary for the safety of the country in today's world, but dangerous without the vigorous oversight and ultimate check by Congress.

As President Barack Obama was sworn into office on January 20, 2009, the United States was abuzz with talk of the first African American president. At this historic moment, one man standing on the inaugural platform, seemingly a relic of the past, had actually been called by the moniker the “first black president” for years. President William Jefferson Clinton had long enjoyed the support of African Americans during his political career, but the man from Hope also had a complex and tenuous relationship with this faction of his political base. Clinton stood at the nexus of intense political battles between conservatives’ demands for a return to the past and African Americans’ demands for change and fuller equality. He also struggled with the class dynamics dividing the American electorate, especially African Americans. Those with financial means seized newfound opportunities to go to college, enter the professions, pursue entrepreneurial ambitions, and engage in mainstream politics, while those without financial means were essentially left behind. The former became key to Clinton’s political success as he skillfully negotiated the African American class structure while at the same time maintaining the support of white Americans. The results were tremendously positive for some African Americans. For others, the Clinton presidency was devastating. Brother Bill examines President Clinton’s political relationship with African Americans and illuminates the nuances of race and class at the end of the twentieth century, an era of technological, political, and social upheaval. / https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu_books/1093/thumbnail.jpg

What is the importance of political speechmaking? Do state governors discuss presidential priorities? This study addresses these questions by analyzing the contents of annual State of the State addresses given by governors from 2012 to 2014 during the presidency of Barack Obama. A descriptive paper provides evidence that governors primarily discuss employment and economic issues in their addresses, are discussing greater number of policy issues than in previous decades, and are delivering their address before the presidential State of the Union message. Examining health care and immigration policy in separate empirical papers, I theorize that contextual factors, including legislative partisanship, public approval, and presidential influence may affect the extent to which policies supported by the Obama administration are rhetorically referenced by governors. Empirical analyses found limited support for the influence of divided government, but demonstrated significant evidence for the importance of including state-centric factors, including annual employment rate and proximity to Mexico, as well as temporal effects, into future analyses of gubernatorial rhetoric.

Since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, Americans have been at war against some form of terrorism both at home and abroad. This includes abuses of federal immigration laws and policies that relate to legal and illegal immigration with Mexico. It is easily substantiated that thousands of Americans have died at the hands of illegal immigrants from Mexico through criminal activity in the United States or through illegal drug trafficking. This thesis considers whether the immigration policies of Presidents Bill Clinton and George W. Bush were at fault for not properly securing the border prior to these attacks. Specifically, did the Bush administration effectively secure the border following 9/11? Furthermore, how does the substantial growth of illegal immigrants from 1995 to 2005 correlate to the failed policies passed during this era? This analysis shows that it should not have taken a catastrophic event like the terrorist attacks on 9/11 to realize the urgent need for stronger national security in the homeland. This work concludes with the argument that both administrations should have placed a greater priority on promoting stronger federal immigration laws and policies that would have resulted in better solutions to permanently secure America's southern border with Mexico.

On June 29, 2011, President Barack Obama held a press conference regarding the nation's budget deficit. During the conference, President Obama mentioned corporate jet owners six times, criticizing their desire to maintain an accelerated depreciation tax break. The President's comments were met with strong criticism from aircraft manufacturers and members of the aviation community. Based on the underlying assumption that new information is rapidly incorporated into stock prices, the press conference likely had a negative impact on the stock returns of aircraft and aircraft parts manufacturers. This paper uses a financial events study to determine whether or not the press conference significantly hurt the stock prices of aircraft manufacturers.