Although the house that sits at 1600 Pennsylvania Ave in Washington, DC has had numerous books written about it and its occupants, the President of the United States and the First Lady, there is very little research to be found on the marriage of the two individuals who reside in the White House and, together, sit at the pinnacle of political power. Many argue the Vice-President is second-in-command, but when you think about it, spouses confess and mull over ideas with one another and may never speak to anyone else about those ideas in such an intimate setting. The marriage created by the interpersonal communication between the President and his wife can expose many elements to decision-making, the level of the First Lady's influence over her husband, and the level of respect each has for the sacredness of the traditional institution of marriage. Miss Hayes has researched the marriages and lives of five First Couples (John and Abigail Adams, Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt, Ronald and Nancy Reagan, Bill and Hillary Clinton, and George W. and Laura Bush) and the marital and family communication styles between the two spouses within the marriage. Those two individuals who occupy the residency of the White House are America's First Couple and the marriage the two create before their arrival in the nation's capital is a crucial element that should play a part in every American's decision before casting his or her vote for the presidency.

This qualitative study examined 45 education speeches presented by President Obama and leaders of the U.S. Department of Education from January 2009 through December 2010. These speeches were interpreted with the use of critical discourse analysis and reviewed through the lens of interest convergence theory. The first aim of the researcher was to uncover the underlying ideologies represented in the Obama Administration’s education speeches. The second objective was to understand how those ideologies impacted the Administration’s proposed reform ideas. Specifically, the researcher was interested in how the underpinning ideologies and proposed solutions affected the education of poor students of color. The researcher found four primary ideologies in the education speeches. First, every speech was coupled with an economic agenda. Second, the speakers displayed great concern over America’s ability to remain a global economic leader. Third, there was an emphasis on the role of education in promoting equal opportunity and a belief in the American Dream. Finally, the speakers showed a deficit‐oriented perception of students of color. The researcher discovered that economic ideologies inspired the Obama Administration’s proposed solutions. As such, the author argues that the Obama Administration utilized interest convergence by focusing on the economic self‐interests of white policymakers. This study concludes with the author’s recommendations for change in the education of poor students of color. The author calls for strategic alliances throughout group identities in order to achieve educational equity.

This item contains the agenda, minutes, and attachments for the Faculty Senate meeting on this date. There may be additional materials from the meeting available at the Faculty Center.

The aim of this research was to determine the factors that influence retention of personnel at Cor Jesu College in the Philippines and establish guidelines for effective staff retention. A qualitative research design involving the descriptive sample survey method to collect data by means of self- administered structured questionnaire was adopted. The sample consisted of 70 Cor Jesu personnel. The information was statistically analysed with the aid of a computer after which it was interpreted. Results indicated that teachers were not satisfied with their jobs and that their retention was affected by several aspects of their work. Working conditions emerged as the major source of dissatisfaction while interpersonal relations were a principal retention factor. / Educational Studies / M.A. (Education Management)

本研究以台北市為範圍，旨在探討國民中學校長與教師對組織氣氛的知覺是否因某些 人口變項和環境變項不同而有顯著差異，以期對教育行政提出建言，供有關單位參考 。因此，本研究從文獻探討著手，希望了解下列問題： （一）、理論方面 １•組織氣氛的性質、形成與內涵，及類型為何？ ２•組織氣氛的測量途徑及工具為何？ ３•組織氣氛的有關研究為何？ （二）、調查分析方面 １•台北市國民中學組織氣氛的開放情形。２•不同性別、年齡、到職年數，和教育 背景的校長對組織氣份知覺是否有顯著差異。３•不同性別、年齡、任教年資、科目 、職務，及教育背景的教師對組織氣氛知覺是否有顯著差異。４•校長與教師對學校 組織氣氛的知覺是否會因校長到校任職年數的長短而有顯著差異。５•校長與教師對 學校組織氣氛的知覺是否會因學校班級數的不同而有顯著差異。６•校長與教師對學 校氣氛的知覺是否會因校長、教師、學生三者性別組成的不同而有顯著差異。 為求有效測量學校組織氣氛，本研究採調查研究法，編製「國民引學組織氣氛描述問 卷」為調查工具，以台北市六十一所國民中學為研究對象，抽取６１位校長，及６０ ８位教師進行問卷調查。回收結果，計有效樣本為校長５３位，教師３６３位。然後 將所得資料經編碼、登錄處理後，利用Ｔ考驗與單因子變異數分析法進行ＳＰＳＳＸ 統計分析，以求歸納結論，形成建議。 本文計分五章撰寫。依序為「緒論」、「文獻探討」、「研究設計與實施」、「調查 結果的分析與討論」、「結論、檢討與建議」。

本研究以台北市為範圍，旨在探討國民中學校長領導型式和學校行校人員工作滿意的 情形，並分析學校行政人員個人因素與其工作滿意度的關係及求證校長領導型式與學 校行政人員工作滿意的相關情形，以期就「增加領導效能」與「提高學校行政人員工 作滿意度」兩方面提出建議，以供有關方面參考。 本研究從文獻探討著手，瞭解校長領導型式的理論基礎、測量、及其相關研究與發現 ，及影響學校行人員工作滿足之個人因素；然後從事實際調查。 研究對象是以台北市國民中學之學校行政人貝為範圍，依據班級數大小分為三級，每 級抽取大校，共計三十所，發出問卷９２２份，計得有效問卷６４６份，合計回收率 是７０•０６％。經將所得資料依編號、登錄處理後，利用Ｔ考驗與單因子變異數分 析法進行ＳＰＳＳx 套裝程式的統計分析，以求歸納結論，提出建議。 本研究共計五章。第一章緒論，旨在闡述研究動機與目的，提出研究問題與假設，確 定範圍與步驟等。第二章為文獻探討，分別就工作滿足、領導型式、與個人因素等三 方面詳加探討，作為本研究理論依據。第三章為研究設計與實施，分別就研究樣本的 選取、使用工具和資料處理方式提出說明。第四章結果與討論。第五章結論與建議， 乃就研究結果發現，提出結論與建議，俾供參考。 研究結果發現：（１）學校行政人貝工作滿意確因校長領導型式之不同而有所差異； （２）學校行政人員工作滿足確因其個人因素不同而有所差異。 據此本研究建議：１•為提高學校行政人員之工作滿意度，應從工作環境、薪資調整 、升遷管道、工成本身在職進修等方面加以改善，２•校長身為一校之長，應定時施 以新觀念，使校長能以「高關懷、高領導」的領導型式來治理學校，使領導不只要達 到組織目標，更要兼顧到個人需求。

一、研究目的：（一）探討權力基礎、參與決定之意義、理論及相關研究，期經歸納 、分析後有助未來研究者之驗證。（二）探討省立高中校長權力基礎、教師參與決定 性形，及二者間是否相關。（三）對校長如何運用適當權力基礎以使教師獲得適當之 參與決定需求，提出建議，供學校及教育行政實務之參考。 二、研究方法：（一）文獻分析法。（二）問卷調查法。 三、研究結論：（一）省立高中校長之權力基礎主要為法職權和專家權。（二）不同 性別校長之權力基礎並無不同。（三）不同學歷、年齡校長之權力基礎有顯著差異。 （四）高中教師在一般校務、訓導事務上呈剝奪參與，在教務上呈適度參與。（五） 不同性別、年齡、教育程度之教師在參與類型上並無不同。（六）不同服務年資、任 教科目、地區之教師在參與類型上有顯著差異。（七）校長以專家權和參照權為基礎 者，教師在參與決定上較傾向於適度參與。 四、建議：（一）校長對教師之領導方式應以專家權和參照權為基礎 。 （二）學校對各項活動之推行，應多徵詢教師們之意見。 （三）採行適度參與決定方式，如以委員代表方式參與。 （四）校務會議一學期至少召開二次，並增加教師們發表意見機會。 （五）已做成之決定應責成考核單位，評鑑執行成果。 （六）對未來研究之建議。

Post-force congressional rally effects are presented as a new incentive behind presidential decisions to use diversionary behavior. Using all key roll call votes in the House and Senate where the president has taken a position for the years 1948 to 1993, presidents are found to receive sharp decreases in both presidential support and success in Congress shortly after employing aggressive policies abroad. Evidence does suggest that presidents are able to capitalize on higher levels of congressional support for their policy preferences on votes pertaining to foreign or defense matters after uses of force abroad. But, despite these findings, diversionary behavior is found to hinder rather than facilitate troubled presidents' abilities to influence congressional voting behavior.

Looming large in the manifold problems of the Davis government after the clash of arms at Sumter was the creation of an army to defend the South. Involved in this problem was the extremely important task of expanding forces. No dearth of excellent officer material existed for some of the most able West Point graduates in the Union army had resigned and were eager to serve their section. The major problem was the question of relative rank to be assigned in the new chain of command.

A rebours des idées reçues, nous postulons que l’intervention de l’Élysée en matière de lutte antiterroriste s’avère peu prégnante, le caractère exceptionnel de l’implication mitterrandienne parasitant souvent le jugement. Quels que soient les facteurs et paramètres d’une intervention, la personnalité du Président de la République décide du périmètre de son rôle qui ne saurait empiéter sur les attributions du ministre de l’Intérieur, s’affranchir d’une configuration institutionnelle et politique. En outre, dans le cas de l’ingérence mitterrandienne, si l’entourage a eu une forte incidence sur l’action gouvernementale en matière de lutte antiterroriste, il représente une indéniable exception. D’une manière générale, il apparaît que l’influence des conseillers sur le Président de la République est occasionnelle, discontinue mais réelle. En sus, les conseillers n’exercent ni pouvoir ni autorité en dehors de la volonté du Président de la République et sont privés de tout relais administratif. / Far from common sense, we hypothesize that the intervention of French presidency of Republic in the counter-terrorism policy is very slight. Very often, the example of François Mitterrand’s presidency confuses the judgment, although it turns out to be exceptional (with regard to President’s powers or his entourage’s powers).What ever are the causes or the parameters of an intervention, the President’s personality is decisive; this factor sets the sphere of presidential operation which cannot encroach on the sphere of the Homeland security secretary because of an institutional and politic configuration. Moreover, the presidential entourage’s influence seems to be occasional, intermittent but real. This entourage doesn’t exercise neither power, nor influence outside limits of President’s will, all the more so as it doesn’t have any administration to obey its possible orders.