Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:31:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pagina 1-125.pdf: 772090 bytes, checksum: 9cd1bb0d877a363b5aa8a464acad93ab (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-04-05 / The goal of this essay is to verify, according to the concepts of political marketing, how did the construction of the public image of the ex-president Fernando Henrique Cardoso happened in the Veja magazine during the elections of 1994. To fulfill this project, it was investigated 19 editions, relative to the period of June to October of the referred year. It was studied the ideological propaganda and its categories, such as codification, ideological control, counterpropaganda and diffusion, all present in the analyzed material. This work was developed in the light of the methodological procedures referred to the Study of Case as a type or research strategy. Among the techniques for collecting data, it was held the Content Analysis of quantitative and qualitative nature of the data researched and the interview with the ex-president. Furthermore, this study obtained the following results: Fernando Henrique Cardoso had the majority of the volume in centimeter/column in relation to his opponent, the candidate Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Regarding the codes used in the analyzed material, the bulk volume in centimeter/column occurred in the linguistic code, meaning that Veja magazine gave more attention to the words, sentences and even the paragraphs which composed the articulated structures, following the historic and cultural patterns of the Portuguese language. Concerning the informative genre, the biggest share in centimeter/column was in news report, designating that Veja magazine emphasized the facts that echoed and produced effects on society, and were memorable by the magazine s point of view. It is possible to reckon that the published material strengthened significantly his image before the Veja readers, favoring him in relation to his opponent, however didn t really elect him.(AU) / Esta dissertação tem como objetivo verificar, de acordo com o conceito de marketing político, como se deu a construção da imagem pública do ex-presidente Fernando Henrique Cardoso na revista Veja durante as eleições presidenciais de 1994. Para tanto, analisou-se 19 edições desse periódico, todas relativas ao período de junho a outubro do referido ano. Estudou-se a propaganda ideológica e suas categorias, como codificação, controle ideológico, contrapropaganda e difusão, presentes no material empírico analisado. Este trabalho desenvolveu-se à luz dos procedimentos metodológicos referentes ao Estudo de Caso enquanto tipo ou estratégia de pesquisa. Entre as técnicas para a coleta de dados, realizou-se a Análise de Conteúdo de natureza quantitativa e qualitativa dos dados pesquisados e entrevista com o próprio ex-presidente. Por meio deste estudo obteve-se os seguintes resultados: Fernando Henrique Cardoso teve o maior volume em centímetro/coluna em relação ao seu opositor, o candidato Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Em relação aos códigos utilizados nas matérias analisadas, o volume maior em centímetro/coluna ocorreu no código linguístico, significando que a revista Veja deu mais ênfase às palavras, às frases e aos parágrafos que compõem as estruturas articuladas, segundo os padrões históricos e culturais da língua portuguesa. No que diz respeito aos gêneros informativos, o volume maior em centímetro/coluna foi em reportagem, isso significa que a revista enfatizou os fatos que repercutiram e produziram efeitos na sociedade, e que foram percebidos pela revista. Concluise que as matérias publicadas fortaleceram significativamente a sua imagem perante os leitores da Veja, favorecendo-o em relação ao seu opositor, mas não chegaram a elegê-lo.(AU)

Résumé en français / Résumé en anglais

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T13:56:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 AdrianaCAB_TESE.pdf: 8514186 bytes, checksum: 87744fa5d0871ca3e2bc3a015c729753 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-07 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / The purpose of this research is to apprehend the perception that the ruling elite, especially the Presidents of the province of Rio Grande do Norte/Brazil, had about the potiguar city, that is, the urban localities existing in the province along the 19th century. By interweaving political, administrative, socioeconomic and spatial aspects, the study of this perception involves two distinct moments, which are also linked: a moment of apprehension of the city, that is, how the elite seizes, describes and criticizes the city; and, a second moment, which occurs simultaneously or after the first moment, of intervention in the city, in which the elite exposes its vision and projects for the city and for the territory. Rather than describing the potiguar city in itself, the research is an attempt to reveal how it was perceived along this process from a particular standpoint or discourse, official and elitist, which did not correspond necessarily or completely to what it was in reality. We tried to understand, always through the lens of the discourse, how the ruling elite perceived the potiguar city based on what their members thought about other urban realities, particularly of the advanced countries; how, within an integrated vision, this city was characterized in political, administrative, socioeconomic and spatial terms and how it consolidated itself along the period established for the research. Qualitative and historical in nature, this study was also methodologically developed based upon bibliographical and documental research. Given the fact that this research works with descriptions, comparisons and interpretations, it was necessary to make use of tools such as the discourse analysis in order to apprehend, as much as possible, what lay behind the words of the elite. The primary sources used were essentially the official documents produced by the Presidents of the province, as well as other documents written by top government officials and other members of the administration staff, all of them composing the so-called ruling elite of Rio Grande do Norte. Secondary sources were books and other publications, theses and dissertations, among others. The research made possible the identification of a certain perception of the potiguar city in the 19th century, which is certainly limited because it is grounded on a specific discourse - that of the political and administrative elite, but which, in spite of such a limitation, is still useful to understand the city and its evolution along the period established, among other noteworthy remarks / Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo apreender qual era a percep??o que a elite pol?tico-administrativa, em especial os Presidentes da prov?ncia do Rio Grande do Norte, tinha sobre a cidade potiguar ao longo do s?culo XIX. Entrela?ando aspectos pol?tico-administrativos, socioecon?micos, e f?sico-espaciais, o estudo desta percep??o envolve dois momentos distintos, que se articulam: um momento de apreens?o da cidade, isto ?, como a elite percebe, descreve e critica a cidade; e um segundo momento, concomitante ou posterior ao primeiro, de interven??o na cidade, no qual a elite exp?e sua vis?o e projetos para a cidade e para o territ?rio. Mais do que descrever a cidade potiguar em si, a pesquisa tentou desvendar como ela era ao longo desse processo a partir de um determinado olhar ou discurso, oficial e elitista, que podia n?o corresponder necessariamente e integralmente ao que ela era de fato. Tentamos entender, sempre pelas lentes do discurso, como a elite pol?tico-administrativa percebia a cidade potiguar ? luz do que seus membros pensavam sobre outras realidades urbanas, mormente dos pa?ses mais avan?ados; como, numa vis?o integrada, essa cidade se caracterizava em termos pol?tico-administrativos, socioecon?micos e f?sico-espaciais e como ela se consolidou ao longo do per?odo estudado. De natureza qualitativa e hist?rica, a investiga??o se fundamentou metodologicamente em pesquisas bibliogr?fica e documental. Por trabalhar essencialmente com descri??es, compara??es e interpreta??es, foi necess?rio fazer uso de instrumentais como a an?lise do discurso, para apreender, tanto quanto poss?vel, o que estava realmente por tr?s das palavras dessa elite. As fontes prim?rias s?o essencialmente os documentos oficiais produzidos pelos Presidentes de Prov?ncia, assim como outras fontes produzidas por t?cnicos de alto escal?o, e outros membros da classe pol?tica, todos compondo a chamada elite pol?tico-administrativa do RN. As fontes secund?rias foram livros, publica??es, teses e disserta??es pertinentes ao tema, entre outros. A pesquisa permitiu identificar uma determinada percep??o sobre a cidade potiguar no s?culo XIX, certamente limitada porque baseada num discurso espec?fico - o de membros da elite pol?tico-administrativa , mas que, mesmo assim, possibilitou entender essa cidade e sua evolu??o ao longo do per?odo estudado, entre outras observa??es dignas de nota

Este trabalho analisa as relações entre a Presidência da República e a televisão entre 1950-1964. Trata da disputa entre “nacionalistas” e “entreguistas” nos governos: Eurico Dutra, Getúlio Vargas, Café Filho, Juscelino Kubitscheck, Jânio Quadros e João Goulart. Procura demarcar o confronto entre a Presidência e a televisão em relação aos rumos da vida política, econômica e social do Brasil. Mediante analise transdisciplinar sobre a soberania em disputa no período vale-se de recursos como analise histórica, das relações internacionais e da ciência política. Mostra a deliberada tentativa dos proprietários de estações de televisão em dirigir o país em seu modelo de desenvolvimento, nas relações internacionais e na exploração do petróleo. Para o estudo da relação entre a Presidência e a televisão, utilizam-se os conceitos de veto player, agendamento e substituição. O intervalo foi marcado pela consolidação da radiodifusão e pela disputa na televisão de diferentes modelos de negócios e serviços, materializados por Assis Chateaubriand, Mario Wallace Simonsen e Roberto Marinho. Descreve a influência da publicidade e parte da trajetória de figuras como Carlos Lacerda, Leonel Brizola e Nelson Rockefeller. O descontrole da TV culmina dramático desfecho do período em 1964. / This paper analyzes the relationship between the presidency and television between 1950-1964. This dispute between the "nationalist" and "submissive" in government: Eurico Dutra, Vargas, Café Filho, Juscelino Kubitschek, Jânio Quadros and João Goulart. Search demarcate the confrontation between the presidency and television in relation to the direction of political, economic and social development of Brazil. Through interdisciplinary analysis on the sovereignty dispute in the period relies on features such as historical analysis, international relations and political science. Shows a deliberate attempt by the owners of television stations in driving the country into its model of development, international relations and the exploitation of oil. To study the relationship between the Presidency and the television, using the concepts of veto player, and replacement schedule. The interval was marked by consolidation of radio and television by the fighting in different business models and services, materialized by Assis Chateaubriand, Mario Wallace Simonsen and Roberto Marinho. Describes the influence of advertising and part of the trajectory of figures such as Carlos Lacerda, Leonel Brizola and Nelson Rockefeller. The lack of TV drama culminates outcome of the period in 1964.

The purpose of this article is to analyze the constitutional situation that developed in Venezuela between December 2012 and April 2013, resulting from the deterioration of the health and the death of President Hugo Chávez, and that is linked to the following events. First, on December 10, 2012 he left the country to be treated in La Habana Cuba, since then he was not seen in public anymore; second, he did not show up at his Inauguration and Oath Ceremony on January 10, 2013, to begin his new presidential term 2013-2019 for which he was elected in October 2012. Third, the Constitutional Jurisdiction ordered, without any logic, that the absent President nonetheless continued to be «in full charge of his office» along with his Ministers, imposing a non-elected official to be the Executive Vice-president and to exercise the Executive Power. Fourth, the same Constitutional Jurisdiction imposed, when the Vice-president announced the death of Chávez on March 5th, 2013, the same non elected Vice-president to be President in charge, without any democratic legitimacy, which gave him the opportunity to participate in the April 2013 presidential elections without having to leave the office. / El presente estudio analiza la situación constitucional que se produjo en Venezuela entre diciembre de 2012 y abril de 2013, con motivo del agravamiento de la salud y el fallecimiento del presidente Hugo Chávez, y que se vincula con los siguientes acontecimientos. Primero, se ausentó de Venezuela el 10 de diciembre de 2012 para operarse en La Habana, Cuba no volviéndoselo a ver más en público; segundo, no compareció el 10 de enero de 2013 ante la Asamblea nacional a tomar posesión del cargo de presidente (2013-2019) para el cual había sido reelecto en octubre de 2012. Tercero, el juez constitucional decretó, sin lógica alguna, que el presidente ausente, sin embargo, continuaba «en ejercicio pleno de su cargo», junto con sus ministros, imponiendo a un funcionario no electo como el vicepresidente ejecutivo para ejercer el Poder Ejecutivo. Cuarto, el mismo juez constitucional impuso al mismo vicepresidente Ejecutivo, sin legitimidad democrática, cuando él mismo anunció la muerte de Chávez el 5 de marzo de 2013, para que asumiera como presidente encargado y, sin separarse de su cargo, pudiera participar en las elecciones presidenciales de abril de 2013.

Nos Estados republicanos modernos, o sistema de freios e contrapesos é um dos modelos institucionais responsável por assegurar o equilíbrio entre os Poderes e prevenir abusos por parte dos governantes. Dois questionamentos podem ser encontrados na literatura brasileira sobre o tema e fundamentam esta Dissertação: um geral sobre o suposto poder excessivo que o nosso sistema político confere ao Poder Executivo e outro, específico, de que nesse contexto, o veto teria um papel central na supremacia do presidente da república sobre o Congresso Nacional no âmbito do processo legislativo. Partindo dessas premissas, a pesquisa avalia se essas características estão condizentes com as expectativas e o desenho institucional proposto para o Estado brasileiro pela Assembleia Nacional Constituinte ANC de 1987. Com base nos anais da ANC e em referências históricas, conclui-se que, ao menos no tocante ao instituto do veto presidencial, o modelo de preponderância do Poder Executivo observado no processo legislativo decorreu de uma opção deliberada e reafirmada pela elite política em 1988, quando da promulgação da Constituição. / In modern republican states, the system of checks and balances is one of the institutional models responsible for ensuring the balance between powers and preventing abuses by rulers. Two issues can be found in the Brazilian academic literature on the matter that underlie this Dissertation: one concerning the alleged excessive power that our political system grant to the executive branch, and another one more specific that, in this context, the veto would have a main role in the supremacy of the President of the Republic over Congress in the legislative process. Beginning with these assumptions, this research evaluates whether these characteristics are consistent with the expectations and the institutional design proposed for the Brazilian State by the National Constituent Assembly (ANC) of 1987. Based on the ANC records and historical references, it concluded that, at least in regard to the presidential veto institute, the preponderance of the executive branch model observed in the legislative process derived from a deliberate and reaffirmed choice made by the political elite in 1988, at the promulgation of the Constitution.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-06-29T13:59:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 priscilavieiramattos.pdf: 722364 bytes, checksum: fe4b30339fede49e6d5838ce7878ca13 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Diamantino Mayra (mayra.diamantino@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-07-05T14:51:09Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 priscilavieiramattos.pdf: 722364 bytes, checksum: fe4b30339fede49e6d5838ce7878ca13 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-05T14:51:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 priscilavieiramattos.pdf: 722364 bytes, checksum: fe4b30339fede49e6d5838ce7878ca13 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-09-28 / A proposta desta dissertação é entender o processo de constituição do Estado brasileiro, tendo como foco de abordagem os textos produzidos pelos presidentes provinciais de Minas Gerais, em face de seus discursos para manutenção da ordem pública e suas críticas e propostas para a administração da justiça no período entre 1850-1860. Os Relatórios dos presidentes, fontes primordiais no desenvolvimento da pesquisa, são analisados para compreender as adversidades que os delegados do chefe da Nação enfrentaram ao perpetrar a causa nacional em uma província marcada pela diversidade econômica e pela singularidade política. A partir deste levantamento, o objetivo é refletir sobre a concepção de Justiça dos representantes do Estado na província e identificar de que maneira os presidentes produziram e difundiram em seus registros o mote da manutenção da ordem como uma das condições indispensáveis para o desenvolvimento da prosperidade na província. Perante estas questões, o propósito é entrever os limites, mas também as possibilidades de ação do Executivo provincial no processo de consolidação do Estado Nacional. / The proposal of this dissertation is to understand the process of constitution of the Brazilian State, tends as abordagem focus the texts produced by the provincial presidents from Minas Gerais, in face of its speeches for maintenance of the public order and its critics and proposals for the administration of the justice in the period among 1850-1860. The presidents' Reports, primordial sources in the development of the research, they are analyzed to understand the adversities that the delegates of the boss of the Nation faced when perpetrating the national cause in a county marked by the economic diversity and for the political singularity. Starting from this rising, the objective is to contemplate about the conception of the representatives' of the State Justice in the county and to identify that way the presidents produced and they diffused in its registrations the mote of the maintenance of the order as one of the indispensable conditions for the development of the prosperity in the county. Before these subjects, the purpose is to glimpse the limits, but also the possibilities of action of the provincial Executive in the process of consolidation of the National State.

Le régime politique d'un pays ne se construit pas instantanément. Il se forme enpassant par plusieurs étapes d'évolutions continuelles et par les expériences historiques, les particularités nationales et, bien entendu, les influences exercées par les paysenvironnants. La Corée du Sud et la France ont respectivement subi d'importantesévolutions politiques dans le passage de la monarchie absolue à la démocratie,évolutions ancrées dans le régime politique en vigueur.En France, les bases démocratiques sont apportées par la Révolution française.La République s'est établie à la suite de l'expérimentation de plusieurs régimespolitiques. La Cinquième République actuellement en place est le fruit d'expériencespassées et notamment de la Première et la Deuxième Guerre mondiale. Contrairement à la France, dans les années 1800 en Corée, les révolutions bourgeoises ont été unéchec. La Corée a été longtemps absorbée par le Japon et le régime démocratique n'a vu le jour qu'à la fin de la Deuxième Guerre mondiale. Depuis, elle a connudifférents régimes politiques allant du régime de présidentiel ou parlementaire auxgouvernements militaires. Ce n'est qu'en 1987 que la sixième République actuellementenvigueur est établie.Actuellement, ces deux pays connaissent des formes de gouvernements différentes. La Corée est un régime présidentiel que l'on peut qualifier de dénaturé alors que la France connaît un régime parlementaire rationalisé, que certains auteurs vont jusqu'à qualifier de semi-présidentiel. Cependant, dans l'administration réelle du régimepolitique, les deux pays connaissent beaucoup de similitudes. Celles-ci s'expliquent par la forme de gouvernement retenue. Le régime constitutionnel en Corée du Suds'inspire fortement du régime présidentiel des Etats-Unis, mais celui-ci s’atténue parl'introduction d'éléments propres au régime parlementaire. En France, l'héritage desprécédentes Républiques implique que le régime soit parlementaire, mais deséléments du régime présidentiel ont été ajoutés tels que le suffrage universel directpour l'élection du Président.Cependant, lorsque le parti politique du président et le parti majoritaire à l'Assembléediffèrent, la forme de gouvernement respective des deux pays se différencie nettement. Premièrement, selon leurs constitutions actuelles, le pouvoir de dissolution parlementairedu Président et l'existence ou la non-existence de la motion de censure que lachambre basse peut exercer à l'encontre du gouvernement forment une premièregrande différence. Deuxièmement, en ce qui concerne le pouvoir exécutif,en Corée du Sud, le Premier ministre est relégué à la seconde place alors qu'enFrance, il peut être un élément indépendant au sein de l'exécutif. Ainsi, entre ces deux pays, la forme de gouvernement et le pouvoir exécutif ont des fortes similitudes, tout en conservant des différences notables.En fonction des formations politiques et des circonstances, un gouvernement divisé(en Corée du Sud) ou de cohabitation (en France) peuvent apparaître. Selon cesdifférentes formes de gouvernement, le Premier ministre peut être soumis au Présidentcomme en Corée du Sud, ou bien au contraire il peut exercer le pouvoir au bénéfice d’un partage des attributionsconstitutionnelles avec le Président comme en France. / Political systems are not created spontaneously, but are the combined results of a nation’s history, the characteristics of its people, and the influences of neighboring countries over an extended period. They are in constant flux and development. Case in point, Korea and France have undergone many political changes from absolute monarchy to the democratic system of government currently in place.In the case of France, after establishing the foundation of democracy through a popular revolution and experiencing various political systems after the establishment of the Republic, it underwent the First and Second World Wars to arrive at today’s system of the Fifth Republic. On the other hand, in the case of Korea, the popular revolution of the late 1800s failed to succeed, and after annexation by Japan, democracy was established only after the end of the Second World War. Since then, Korea has experienced a presidential system of government, a parliamentary government, and a military regime amongst others. The current political regime of the Sixth Republic was stabilized in 1987.Presently, Korea and France are operating under different forms of government: a modified presidential system and a dual executive system respectively. Nevertheless, there are many similarities between the actual operations of the two. The main reason for this phenomenon is that both political systems share common elements. The political system of Korea is the American presidential system with a parliamentary element added to it, while France has elements of direct presidential elections and a presidential system based upon a parliamentary system of government.However, when the president and the majority of parliament disagree, the difference in the political systems of Korea and France is that the president’s right to dissolve parliament and the right to parliamentary disapproval are the most important. Secondly, in terms of executive power, the Korean prime minister is the second in command, whereas in France the prime minister is another form of executive power.Thus, the form and power of government in Korea and France share many similarities but appear to be different. Depending on what political conditions are present, a strong presidential system may appear, or a cohabitation government can take place. Under such a form of government, the prime minister is subordinate to the president. On the contrary, in France, the prime minister exercises his constitutional powers.

Du Ier décembre 1958 au 15 décembre 2014, l'évolution constitutionnelle, institutionnelle, et sociopolitique de la République Centrafricaine est caractérisée par une instabilité chronique. [...] Tandis que la Constitution Française de la Cinquième République brille depuis le 4 octobre 1958 par sa longévité, le Centrafrique totalise 6 Constitutions en 56 ans (soit en moyenne une Constitution tous les neuf ans), plusieurs Révisions Constitutionnelles, douze Actes Constitutionnels, et une Charte Constitutionnelle de Transition adoptée le 18 juillet 2013, sans oublier l'adoption projetée de la Constitution de la septième République en 2015. Les six Constitutions successives ont établi chacune un régime parlementaire, sauf que celui-ci est hétérodoxe, et n'a jamais fonctionné dans un système parlementariste, mais plutôt dans un système présidentialiste, caractérisé par une hypertrophie de la fonction présidentielle, une concentration et une personnalisation du pouvoir au profit du Chef de l’État. Contrairement à la logique parlementaire, le Chef de l’État nomme et révoque ad nutum le Premier Ministre, et même les Ministres ignorant le pouvoir de proposition du Premier Ministre en la matière. Ce présidentialisme prégnant et omniprésent constitue à n'en pas douter le principal facteur explicatif de l'échec de la greffe du parlementarisme en Centrafrique depuis la première Loi Fondamentale, la Constitution du 16 février 1959. Tout en constituant une des caractéristiques d'une pratique institutionnelle et politique inadéquate et non démocratique, le présidentialisme est source de déformation du pouvoir exécutif. L'effet de contagion jouant, il est aussi facteur de déformation institutionnelle générale. La déformation institutionnelle est également le fait d'une insuffisante considération de l'environnement sociologique sur le plan constitutionnel et institutionnel, d'un défaut de conscience citoyenne favorable, et d'un mimétisme constitutionnel et institutionnel tronqué. Des pans entiers de la Constitution apparaissent souvent comme virtuels. L’exécutif centrafricain dans son ensemble souffre d'un déficit de légitimité, mais est pourtant très puissant et pratiquement quasi-irresponsable. C'est l'évidence du déséquilibre au sein du triptyque constitutionnel pouvoir-légitimité-responsabilité. Le principe de la séparation des pouvoirs reste formel, donc illusoire. Grâce au culte qui lui est voué, le Chef de l’État investit les autres institutions et capte leurs pouvoirs. C'est alors l 'assainissement du Premier Ministre et des Ministres, la domestication des pouvoirs législatif et judiciaire, et même le ravalement du pouvoir médiatique. Cette thèse se veut une modeste contribution à une ingénierie constitutionnelle et institutionnelle adéquate, une nécessité exigée par ce qui est unanimement reconnu en 2014 comme un État complètement failli, et donc un État Centrafricain à refonder. Sous ce rapport, il est clair que c'est la Constitution qui devra être non seulement la fondation et le pilier principal du nouvel État, mais aussi la sève irriguant et nourrissant les futures institutions. Or, les réflexions et analyses menées dans cette Thèse sont susceptibles d'inspirer les rédacteurs de la Constitution de la septième République dont l'adoption est projetée en 2015. / From December 1st, 1958 to December 15th, 2014, constitutional, institutional and socio-political evolution of the Central African Republic is characterised by a permanent instability. […] While the French Constitution of the Fifth Republic is still applying since its adoption on October 4th, 1958, Central Africa totalizes no less than 6 Constitutions within only 56 years (for a life's duration of 9 years in average for each one). Central Africa counts several constitutional reviews, 12 Constitutional Acts, and a Constitutional Charter of Transition adopted on July 18th, 2013. Furthermore, the country planned to adopt by 2015 another Constitution for the Seventh Republic in place. The 6 successive Constitutions established each one a parliamentary regime, however the latter is strange and never worked as a real parliamentary system but as a presidential one where the President of the Republic concentrates all the powers in his hands as well as he practices a form of personalisation of the presidential function. Contrary to the parliamentary logic, the Chief of State appoints and dismisses ad mitum the Prime Minister, and even the Ministers who actually ignore the power allocated to the Prime Minister to make proposals in the process of appointing the Ministers. This strong and omnipresent presidentialism constitutes the main factor that explains the failure of the idea of a parliamentary system in Central Africa since the first Fundamental Law known as the Constitution of February 16th, 1959. The presidentialism in Central Africa constitutes one of the characteristics of a non­democratic and political inadequacy in the practice of powers, and at the same time, it is also the origin of the deformation of the executive power. This situation produces a contagion's effect. It contributes to a general deformation of the political institutions. The institutional deformation is also the fact of an insufficient consideration of the sociological environment in terms of respect of the Constitution and the normal functioning of institutions, and of a lack of awareness of citizens in favour of it, and of a shortened constitutional and institutional imitation. Some entire provisions of the Constitution often appear as virtual. The Central African executive as a whole suffers a deficit of legitimacy, but nevertheless it is a powerful State and mostly practically irresponsible. This is clearly the fact of the imbalance of the necessary constitutional triptych Power-Legitimacy-Responsibility. The principle of separation of powers remains formal, and so imaginary. Because of his personality cult well celebrated, the Chief of State vests the other institutions with his authority and at the same time takes their powers. Then this is the subjection of the Prime Minister and Ministers, the domestication of legislative and judiciary powers, and even the media suffer the same fate. This thesis that aims to be modest is a contribution to a constitutional and institutional engineering that is appropriate and necessary for Central Africa, which is considered in 2014 as a State completely failed, and then as a country to be rebuilt. Under this report, it is clear that this is the Constitution that shall be not only the foundation and the cornerstone of the New State, but also the sap irrigating and feeding the future institutions of the country. Yet, the reflexions and analyses raised in this thesis may inspire the writers of the future Constitution of the Seventh Republic which adoption is planned for 2015.

Data obtained through content analysis of articles about or concerning President Reagan in Newsweek, Time and U.S. News & World Report during two time periods indicated that no relationship existed between time and variance of news coverage given to Reagan. Three content analysis measures were used: comparison of favorable and unfavorable statements, amount of coverage and number of quoted words. The study is composed of four chapters: Chapter I introduces the study, Chapter II presents the data, Chapter III evaluates the data and Chapter IV summarizes and makes recommendations.