Dissertation deals with the question if the first Czechoslovak Republic had signs of semipresidential regime. The theoretical part deals with the theoretical definition of parliamentary, presidential and semi- presidential system. The practical part is divided into several parts, which dealt with the institution of the president of Czechoslovakia and its role in the political system and the characteristics of the Weimar Republic. The presidential term TG Masaryk focuses on the constitution of the head of state and its real political influence on the formation and activities of governments. The thesis also examines the status of Edvard Benes as President of the Republic at the time of the Munich crisis and February 1948, including his time in exile government. The study of the Weimar Republic, focused on the position of Reich President and compares it with the Czechoslovak head of state. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

Master thesis deals with Finnish presidents as the actors of foreign policy since 1919 and compares them. For this comparison is created the special model in which presidents are classified according to the analysed variables: influence on direction of foreign policy, influence on the key negotiations and presidential powers in foreign policy. Thesis also deals with the question if there is any correlation between a status of president and the situation where president is a member of a different party than a prime minister and a minister of foreign affairs. In the end thesis analyses if presidential powers correspond with his real influence. Special model also shows how much presidents used their presidential powers.

Depuis l’avènement en 1963 du régime présidentiel au Sénégal, on observe une concentration extraordinaire des pouvoirs par le président de la République. Les stratégies visant à renforcer la domination présidentielle sur le jeu politique ont ouvert la voie à une présidentialisation du régime qui a placé le titulaire de la charge suprême dans une constante quête hégémonique.Les incidences de cette dernière renseignent sur l’importance et la nature d’un leadership présidentiel qui est devenu le principal moteur du jeu politique sénégalais. Au demeurant, cette quête de domination a des implications, non seulement sur le plan national, mais également sur le plan international.Sur le plan national, les exigences de préservation et de renforcement du pouvoir présidentiel ont fait passer la Constitution au second rang dans la structuration du jeu politique au profit de la présidence de la République. En outre, l’hypercentralisation du pouvoir politique est devenue le mode de gestion érigé en vue de garantir la dépendance des acteurs du jeu politique vis-à-vis du pouvoir présidentiel.Sur le plan international, le leadership présidentiel s’exprime par la politique de puissance qui est menée. Le président sénégalais, conscient de sa légitimité démocratique, cherche à positionner son pays au rang de puissance incontournable sur la scène continentale. Il cherche également à exercer une plus grande influence à travers un leadership moral qui permet de compenser les faiblesses économiques, militaires, etc. du Sénégal par rapport à ses principaux concurrents à l’hégémonie continentale. / Pas de résumé en anglais

This study will focus on the development of Andrew Jackson's attitude toward the American Indian and the effect of these attitudes on the shaping of official United states policy toward the Indians. Jackson was born and raised on the frontier. There his prejudices were acquired and his personality was formed. Chapter I deals with Jackson's early life as a young frontiersman, politician and Indian-fighter. His championing of the rights of the westerner, his attitudes toward the Indian and his love for the martial spirit led him into the Tennessee militia and the United States Army during the Indian wars. The military period of Jackson's life also is covered in Chapter I. Chapter II discusses the problems arising from the contact between the American colonist and the Indian as the white frontier pressed against and into Indian land. Jackson agreed with the general political justification for expansion: that the frontier must be advanced to provide security for settlements and farms. The average frontiersman would add that expansion also brought land into the hands of those who were meant to use it. Though acquisition of additional land was usually a result rather than a cause of war, few would deny that getting it by conquest was more desirable than buying it. With the cry for removal reaching a crescendo, the advocates found their champion in Andrew Jackson. He would implement the final solution to the Indian problem. Chapter III deals with the Indian removal policy and with Jackson's administration of removals, the dominant Indian feature of his presidency. The policy is described in detail, and the various attempts to justify it are considered. An important part of the removal story involves the relationship between the federal government and the states, the subject of Chapter IV. Jackson believed in the basic rights of states and had no desire to increase the power of the national government at their expense. In the controversy over Indian lands, he felt that the states had jurisdiction. This attitude the stage for this refusal to come to the aid of the Indians, in spite of treaty obligations to them. Chapter IV also covers the reaction to the removal policy by the public and by the Indians. Jackson's tendency to contradict himself is much in evidence in his Indian attitudes and policies. Chapter V attempts to show that he was a pragmatist. He was willing to do whatever was necessary to accomplish his ends, even if it meant completely reversing a principle that he had previously taken great pains to defend. In Chapter VI, conclusions are drawn on the effects of Jackson's Indian attitudes on the people of his own day and on generations that followed. Finally, an attempt is made to explain why Jackson felt and acted as he did in his relationships with the Indians. This section also deals with the charge that he was a racist and that he held the Indian in contempt as an inferior human being. Since the study is concerned primarily with Jackson's attitudes, the principal sources consulted were his letters and speeches. Published collections of Jackson's works proved especially valuable. Particularly helpful were Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, volumes I, II, and III, edited by John S. Bassett and J. F. Jameson and A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents, volumes II and III, edited by James D. Richardson. To record the response to Jackson's Indian policies, contemporary newspapers were consulted, especially the New York Evening Post. Secondary sources were examined for detail and description rather than for analysis.

The topic of this thesis is nomination of justices of the Supreme Court, the highest federal court in the United States. The Constitution gives the power to appoint new federal justices to the president, with "advice and consent" of the Senate. This clause is based on one of the primary constitutional principles used in the United States - the system of checks and balances. The first part describes the general aspects of all nominations, from court vacancies to the final vote on Senate floor. The primary roles of the president and the Senate are defined. Focus is also set on the evolution of the nomination process throughout the history, as well as the criteria for selecting new justices, who shape the constitutional development of one of the oldest functioning democracies. The structure of the first part is then applied for a description of the nomination of Brett M. Kavanaugh, who was appointed to the Supreme Court by President Donald Trump in 2018. The course of this nomination was strongly affected by sexual assault accusations against the nominee and fierce partisan battles that resulted in the closest confirmation vote in history. The final part applies quantitative research methods to discover the influence of partisan difference between the president and the Senate majority on the...

In many nations, the 21st century has been about women in politics. Not only are they running for prominent political offices, but they are winning them. The trend toward success for American female politicians has been slower to progress, however, as no women have been elected to the U.S. Presidency to date, and social science research suggests persistent gender biases exist in their news coverage. In order to explore the potential role that media play in continuing this gender disparity in U.S. politics, this comparative study investigates how cable pundit programs – a dramatic, partisan genre of “news” that has risen in popularity since the 2008 election – frame female candidates for the highest national office. A content analysis of pre-election coverage of three prominent U.S. politicians on the national scene, Hillary Clinton, Sarah Palin and Michele Bachmann, on The O’Reilly Factor, On the Record with Greta Van Susteren, The Last Word with Lawrence O’Donnell, Countdown with Keith Olbermann and The Rachel Maddow Show reveals a small incidence of gendered coverage across these shows overall. Among said coverage found, however, trends in the data suggest that conservative programs employ more gendered frames than liberal programs, and that those frames are particularly negative when referring to liberal candidates (Clinton), and positive when referring to conservative (Palin and Bachmann) candidates. Further, the gender of the pundits, the gender of the cable network production staff members, and the political party affiliations of executive staff/owners correspond to the frames employed by these programs in unique ways.

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Margaret Bayard Harrison Smith was a prominent member of early Washington City society from the time she and her husband, Samuel Harrison Smith, moved to the blossoming capital in 1800 until her death in 1844. As a longtime resident of Washington, Margaret spent most of her adult life navigating the unique socio-political waters of the capital and developing friendships with many of the most prominent politicians of her time. Mrs. Smith's writings provide firsthand accounts of several important political events including Congress' role in the election of 1800, Jefferson's first inauguration, Madison's first inauguration, and the destruction left by the British after the siege of Washington. Her writings also provide a picture of early undeveloped Washington City, where grand public buildings were largely surrounded by wilderness and connected by muddy roads. While this work looks at the social and political environment that Margaret Smith experienced, it also examines many of the personal concerns that frequented Mrs. Smith's writings. Margaret's views on educating her children, interacting with servants, interacting with the enslaved population of Washington, and dealing with feelings of isolation, due to the distance from her family, are frequently addressed in her letters. Focusing on these aspects of Mrs. Smith's writings allows for a greater examination of the societal norms of her day about gender, class, and race. While Margaret's letters and commonplace books have often been used to examine Washington society and the lives of her prominent friends, there is no biography of Mrs. Smith herself. This dissertation provides the first biography of Margaret Bayard Harrison Smith from her birth until the end of the War of 1812.

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