La question de la durée du mandat présidentiel est indissociable de la réflexion sur l’équilibre des pouvoirs et sur la nature de la Ve République. Le quinquennat présidentiel, envisagé en1973 puis définitivement adopté par référendum le 24 septembre 2000, s’inscrit dans un mouvement de présidentialisation des institutions entamé depuis 1962 et l’élection du Président de la République au suffrage universel. En prévoyant une durée de mandat égale pour le chef de l’Etat et l’Assemblée nationale, le quinquennat entend redéfinir la dyarchie exécutive et mettre fin à l’arythmie électorale et à la cohabitation. Alors que la Constitution de 1958 privilégiait la souplesse pour répondre à toutes les situations politiques, le quinquennat fait le choix de l’efficacité en favorisant la concordance des majorités parlementaire et présidentielle. Mais le quinquennat est davantage un commencement qu’une fin. Poursuivi par l’inversion du calendrier électoral en 2001 et par une révision constitutionnelle majeure en 2008, le quinquennat a ouvert la voie à un régime présidentiel dont les effets se font déjà sentir à travers la reconfiguration du rôle du chef de l’Etat, le renforcement du poids de l’élection présidentielle, la présidentialisation des partis politiques et la bipolarisation de l’espace partisan. Dix ans après son entrée en vigueur, le quinquennat place la Ve République face à un choix : corriger le présidentialisme majoritaire dans le cadre des institutions actuelles ou achever la transition vers la VIe République et le régime présidentiel. / The issue of the length of the presidential term of office cannot be separated from the question of the balance of power in the Fifth Republic, and thus the question of its very essence. The five-year term of presidency, foreseen in 1973 and definitively enacted by referendum on September 24, 2000, comes out of a tendency toward expansion of presidential powers since1962, as well as from the decision to elect the President of the Republic by direct popular vote. Aligning the five-year term with that of the Assemblée nationale redefines shared governance between the President and the Prime Minister by removing the electoral unbalance that created the “cohabitation” (i.e. opposing camps of political goals and parties inpower) as in the past. Although the 1958 Constitution stressed its ability to adapt to any political situation, the five-year term makes the clear choice of effectively favoring concurrent majorities, both parliamentary and presidential. However, this choice is more of a beginning than an end. In 2001 a new electoral agenda followed the five-year term reform. Subsequently, there was a major revision of the Constitution in 2008. As a result we have seen a reconfiguration of the President’s role, a net increase in the importance of presidential election, and finally, political and partisan polarization. Ten years after its inception, the five year term forces the Fifth Republic to choose either to adapt the majoritarian presidentialism within and among existing divisions of government or to initiate a transition toward a Sixth Republic and a purely presidential regime.

L’objectif de la thèse est l’analyse de l’évolution du discours politique en France et en Lituanie via les déclarations ou les interviews, consécutives à l’annonce des résultats des élections présidentielles (1995 – 2009). Notre méthode est basée sur les techniques modernes de l’approche : la pluridisciplinarité, l’analyse du discours et le traitement informatique du corpus. La politique contemporaine est de plus en plus formatée selon les règles du marketing. La télévision oblige les orateurs à renoncer au jargon - le raisonnement n’est plus hypothético-déductif mais associatif. Les présidents élus consacrent plus d’attention à l’ethos et les candidats vaincus au pathos. Les ethos s’opposent et cela dépend du contexte des élections présidentielles. Les Interviews appartiennent aux discours-bilans et au modèle dialogique. Les Déclarations sont plus proches des discours-appels et du monologue. Les deux genres possèdent aussi des traits du modèle propagandiste dont l’effet social est minimal. / Pas de résumé anglais / Disertacijoje analizuojama situacija, kai kandidatai į prezidentus Lieuvoje ir Prancūzijoje reaguoja į paskelbtus prezidento rinkimų rezultatus per savo pasisakymus. Pagrindinis disertacijos tikslas - suprasti bei įvertinti politikų, politinio diskurso pasikeitimus (nuo 1993 m. iki 2009 m.). Kitos aptariamos temos - pagrindinės kalbėtojų sakinių gramatinės ir sintaksinės formos, žodynas, kandidatų į prezidentus skirtumai ir panašumai. Darbe remiamasi retorikos, politikos istorijos, sociologijos, tekstynų ir diskurso analizės metodais. Nustatyta, kad televizijos vaidmuo vis stipreja. Visų politikų sakiniai paprasti, pasirenkama kalba yra tradicinė, visiems suprantama, abstrakti, temos pasikartoja bei yra panašios. Prezidentų kalbos optimistiškesnės, mažiau personalizuotos ir daugiau apeliuoja į visą tautą, o pralaimėjusių kandidatų kalbos daugiau angažuotos į ateitį, dinamiškesnės, mažiau suvienuodintos, jie naudoja trumpesnius sakinius. Abiejų šalių politikų pasisakymai primena reklamą, kurios pagrindinis tikslas - patikti ir pritraukti žmonių dėmesį, nelabai akcentuojant politinius klausimus.

The French President Nicolas Sarkozy is presented in the long term as the head of state with a strong media influence and strong media manipulation ability. This tendency is moreover not rare in the field of politics, and it can have a strong impact on society. That is why it seems appropriate to devote attention to this topic within media studies. The aim of this thesis is to find out, based on the content-study of three Czech national newspapers, how Czech journalists deal with the topic of the French presidency - do they have their specific sources, how do they cope with information from the Élysée Palace, do they use the same sources, do they create stereotypes about Nicolas Sarkozy etc. Qualitative analysis of the articles is supplemented by findings from interviews with the journalists themselves. The thesis has two main parts. In the first one, the overview of the available research in the field of agenda-setting and news coverage sociology is offered, literature is also presented, which deals with the influence of President Sarkozy and the issues affecting French journalists' work. The second part presents the analysis of the daily newspapers' material, which makes it possible to see the current trends in journalists' work with sources. The findings are supplemented by information from the...

This thesis deals with the media representation of president Muhammad Morsi in five Egyptian newspapers. The main goal is to find out what kind of image these periodicals create and in what ways these images differ from each other. The research method used is qualitative content analysis and image analysis that examines articles, photographs and cartoons related in some way to president Morsi. Examined period is six weeks after the official announcement of the results of the presidential elections, i.e. from 25th June to 5th August 2012. The thesis consists of three parts. In the first theoretical part, the reader is introduced to the media concepts which represent the basic frame of the research. This section also contains the outline of the political development in Egypt with an emphasis on the changes in 2011 and 2012. Furthermore, it describes the life of the new president and the development of Egyptian press. Finally, the first section includes short description of the five examined newspapers. The second part describes the research methodology including the research sample, questions and hypothesis. The last part presents and interprets the results of the analysis and comes to a final conclusion of this thesis.

Diploma thesis "Leaving of Czechoslovak democracy giants; comparison of media images of Tomas Garrigue Masaryk's and Vaclav Havel's death and funeral in Czech Press" aims to compare the media images of the presidents' death and funeral in broadsheet and tabloid newspapers of that time. In this matter, media analyzed the lives of these great personalities, their work, political views, their acceptance and renown abroad, their merits and their critical reception as well. The study itself is divided into two main parts. The first one being the theoretical part informs about the political and social context of the time in which Tomas Garrigue Masaryk and Vaclav Havel lived and worked and it discusses their personalities in more details. Furthermore, the methodology used in the thesis is included in this section as well, representing and explaining the method of the media research. In the second practical part, the thesis provides the characteristics of the chosen broadsheet and tabloid newspapers - Lidove noviny, Poledni list and Blesk. By using qualitative analysis the thesis seeks to determine how media presented the presidents at that time. On one hand it attempts to illustrate the parallels that linked these two personalities, on the other hand it endeavours to describe how their images differed....

The aim of this work is analyzed using qualitative analysis, complemented by case study method of communication selected politicians. Within the specified period, were selected speakers (Milos Zeman and Bohuslav Sobotka) and selected specific dialogues. Due to the absence of publicly available transcripts of interviews was conducted without using literal transcription techniques detailed evaluation. Was described the context of the time, including the characteristics of the speakers. The theoretical part was further characterized the program Questions of Vaclav Moravec including his discourse. There were explaining the difference between discussion and debate in relation to issues of Vaclav Moravec. The methods used were placed in the context of qualitative research and explained their validity. Communication methods are described by way of comparison argumentative testimony and linguistic resources between the two speakers. They describe the kinds of good, but also erroneous arguments. A communication strategy was explained in terms of humor, opinions and attitudes, using parasitic words, expressive and abusive terms, slips of the tongue, foreign and technical terms, syntax errors.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:24:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ricardo Bernd Glasenapp.pdf: 1156753 bytes, checksum: 12ce5c06ea724956a19e4e0743747f51 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-12-01 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This thesis aims to demonstrate the possibility of realization of conventionality control by default in our legal system in the absence of regulations and especially the lack of adaptation of the legal rules existing on Human Rights on the legal innovations arising through treaties international human rights. Faced with such a scenario, this thesis develops having to justify the need for effective human rights within our legal system on the certainty that the simple conclusion of international treaties on human rights is no longer just enough. Once demonstrated the existence of conventionality control by default as a way of realization of human rights by virtue of court decisions, the present thesis switches to the possibility of overcoming the legal problems arising from the legislative omission on human rights through the creation reallocated to the President for legislative initiative to adapt the domestic legal system to international human rights treaties. With such legal innovation presented here, and defends, you can become more effective human rights in our country, without the problem of legislative omission to endure in time unconventional way / Esta tese tem por objetivo demonstrar a possibilidade de realização do controle de convencionalidade por omissão em nosso ordenamento jurídico diante da ausência de regulamentação e, especialmente, da ausência de adaptação das normas jurídicas já existentes relativas Direitos Humanos diante das inovações jurídicas advindas por meio de tratados internacionais de direitos humanos. Diante de tal cenário, a presente tese desenvolve-se tendo como justificativa a necessidade de efetivação dos direitos humanos dentro de nosso ordenamento jurídico diante da certeza de que a simples celebração de tratados internacionais de direitos humanos já não é mais só suficiente. Uma vez demonstrada a existência do controle de convencionalidade por omissão como forma de efetivação dos Direitos Humanos por força do Poder Judiciário, a presente tese passa a trabalhar com a hipótese de superação do problema jurídico decorrente da omissão legislativa relativa aos Direitos Humanos por meio da criação de uma nova atribuição ao Presidente da República para iniciativa legislativa de adequação do ordenamento jurídico interno aos tratados internacionais de direitos humanos. Com tal inovação jurídica que aqui se apresenta, e defende, será possível tornar mais efetivos os Direitos Humanos em nosso País, sem que o problema da omissão legislativa se perdure no tempo de forma inconvencional

Nos Estados republicanos modernos, o sistema de freios e contrapesos é um dos modelos institucionais responsável por assegurar o equilíbrio entre os Poderes e prevenir abusos por parte dos governantes. Dois questionamentos podem ser encontrados na literatura brasileira sobre o tema e fundamentam esta Dissertação: um geral sobre o suposto poder excessivo que o nosso sistema político confere ao Poder Executivo e outro, específico, de que nesse contexto, o veto teria um papel central na supremacia do presidente da república sobre o Congresso Nacional no âmbito do processo legislativo. Partindo dessas premissas, a pesquisa avalia se essas características estão condizentes com as expectativas e o desenho institucional proposto para o Estado brasileiro pela Assembleia Nacional Constituinte ANC de 1987. Com base nos anais da ANC e em referências históricas, conclui-se que, ao menos no tocante ao instituto do veto presidencial, o modelo de preponderância do Poder Executivo observado no processo legislativo decorreu de uma opção deliberada e reafirmada pela elite política em 1988, quando da promulgação da Constituição. / In modern republican states, the system of checks and balances is one of the institutional models responsible for ensuring the balance between powers and preventing abuses by rulers. Two issues can be found in the Brazilian academic literature on the matter that underlie this Dissertation: one concerning the alleged excessive power that our political system grant to the executive branch, and another one more specific that, in this context, the veto would have a main role in the supremacy of the President of the Republic over Congress in the legislative process. Beginning with these assumptions, this research evaluates whether these characteristics are consistent with the expectations and the institutional design proposed for the Brazilian State by the National Constituent Assembly (ANC) of 1987. Based on the ANC records and historical references, it concluded that, at least in regard to the presidential veto institute, the preponderance of the executive branch model observed in the legislative process derived from a deliberate and reaffirmed choice made by the political elite in 1988, at the promulgation of the Constitution.

The subject of this thesis is the media, its history and function, and some other specific associated terms (in particular, the concept of objectivity and the theory of agenda- setting). In my thesis, I will also address the relationship between the media and politics. The aim of the practical part of the thesis is to analyze the work of three Czech journals (Hospodářské noviny, Mladá fronta DNES, Právo), and two television newscasts (Televizní noviny on TV Nova and Události České televize), in each case focusing on the theme of the American presidential election within a defined period of time (7. 11. 2016 - 13. 11. 2016). The core of the analysis consists of observing the proportion of total space and time that was dedicated to the topic, and in this analysis, I will focus on objectivity, or on the occurrence of the tabloid features. Key words media, mass communication, news, agenda-setting, objectivity, tabloid press, political marketing, election, president

Este trabalho analisa as relações entre a Presidência da República e a televisão entre 1950-1964. Trata da disputa entre “nacionalistas” e “entreguistas” nos governos: Eurico Dutra, Getúlio Vargas, Café Filho, Juscelino Kubitscheck, Jânio Quadros e João Goulart. Procura demarcar o confronto entre a Presidência e a televisão em relação aos rumos da vida política, econômica e social do Brasil. Mediante analise transdisciplinar sobre a soberania em disputa no período vale-se de recursos como analise histórica, das relações internacionais e da ciência política. Mostra a deliberada tentativa dos proprietários de estações de televisão em dirigir o país em seu modelo de desenvolvimento, nas relações internacionais e na exploração do petróleo. Para o estudo da relação entre a Presidência e a televisão, utilizam-se os conceitos de veto player, agendamento e substituição. O intervalo foi marcado pela consolidação da radiodifusão e pela disputa na televisão de diferentes modelos de negócios e serviços, materializados por Assis Chateaubriand, Mario Wallace Simonsen e Roberto Marinho. Descreve a influência da publicidade e parte da trajetória de figuras como Carlos Lacerda, Leonel Brizola e Nelson Rockefeller. O descontrole da TV culmina dramático desfecho do período em 1964. / This paper analyzes the relationship between the presidency and television between 1950-1964. This dispute between the "nationalist" and "submissive" in government: Eurico Dutra, Vargas, Café Filho, Juscelino Kubitschek, Jânio Quadros and João Goulart. Search demarcate the confrontation between the presidency and television in relation to the direction of political, economic and social development of Brazil. Through interdisciplinary analysis on the sovereignty dispute in the period relies on features such as historical analysis, international relations and political science. Shows a deliberate attempt by the owners of television stations in driving the country into its model of development, international relations and the exploitation of oil. To study the relationship between the Presidency and the television, using the concepts of veto player, and replacement schedule. The interval was marked by consolidation of radio and television by the fighting in different business models and services, materialized by Assis Chateaubriand, Mario Wallace Simonsen and Roberto Marinho. Describes the influence of advertising and part of the trajectory of figures such as Carlos Lacerda, Leonel Brizola and Nelson Rockefeller. The lack of TV drama culminates outcome of the period in 1964.