Wetlands of the Prairie Pothole Region of North America provide habitat for over 50% of the continent's breeding waterfowl, but most of the region's wetlands have been lost or degraded through intensive agricultural development. Despite widespread wetland losses in much of the Canadian prairies, there is little information about trends in degradation of remaining wetlands. Using habitat data collected for ~10,500 wetlands across the Canadian prairies during annual waterfowl surveys, 1985-2005, I employed multistate models in Program MARK to estimate rates of impact and recovery of wetlands resulting from agricultural activities. Then, I characterized the incidence of agricultural degradation to these wetlands. Rates of impact to wetland margins (natural vegetation around flooded basins) declined over time, likely due to a decreasing percentage of unaffected wetlands; recovery rates for margins were always lower than impact rates, suggesting increased cumulative degradation of wetlands over time. Unlike margins, impact and recovery rates for basins fluctuated with spring pond densities. Shallow ephemeral wetlands located in agricultural fields had the highest impact and lowest recovery rates. Multistate modeling could also be used to estimate rates associated with other landscape processes.<p><p> My second objective was to determine whether physical characteristics of prairie Canada wetlands could be used to predict breeding duck abundance. First, I sought to determine how pre-existing models developed in the Dakotas (USA) performed when predicting breeding duck abundances on Canadian prairie wetlands. I related duck pair abundance to pond area, and then compared observed to predicted duck abundance. The Dakota models performed reasonably well in predicting numbers of blue-winged teal (<i>Anas discors</i>), gadwall (<i>A. strepera</i>), and northern pintail (<i>A. acuta</i>), but predicted fewer mallards (<i>A. platyrhynchos</i>) and northern shovelers (<i>A. clypeata</i>) than were observed on wetlands. Pond area was an important predictor of duck abundance in all models, but results were less biased and more consistent in models developed specifically for Canadian wetlands. Spatiotemporal variation in the relationship of breeding duck abundance and wetland characteristics was also affected by regional duck and pond densities. Overall, the new applications and models developed and validated in this study will be useful for wetland and waterfowl management in the Canadian prairies.

Wetlands of the Prairie Pothole Region of North America provide habitat for over 50% of the continent's breeding waterfowl, but most of the region's wetlands have been lost or degraded through intensive agricultural development. Despite widespread wetland losses in much of the Canadian prairies, there is little information about trends in degradation of remaining wetlands. Using habitat data collected for ~10,500 wetlands across the Canadian prairies during annual waterfowl surveys, 1985-2005, I employed multistate models in Program MARK to estimate rates of impact and recovery of wetlands resulting from agricultural activities. Then, I characterized the incidence of agricultural degradation to these wetlands. Rates of impact to wetland margins (natural vegetation around flooded basins) declined over time, likely due to a decreasing percentage of unaffected wetlands; recovery rates for margins were always lower than impact rates, suggesting increased cumulative degradation of wetlands over time. Unlike margins, impact and recovery rates for basins fluctuated with spring pond densities. Shallow ephemeral wetlands located in agricultural fields had the highest impact and lowest recovery rates. Multistate modeling could also be used to estimate rates associated with other landscape processes.<p><p> My second objective was to determine whether physical characteristics of prairie Canada wetlands could be used to predict breeding duck abundance. First, I sought to determine how pre-existing models developed in the Dakotas (USA) performed when predicting breeding duck abundances on Canadian prairie wetlands. I related duck pair abundance to pond area, and then compared observed to predicted duck abundance. The Dakota models performed reasonably well in predicting numbers of blue-winged teal (<i>Anas discors</i>), gadwall (<i>A. strepera</i>), and northern pintail (<i>A. acuta</i>), but predicted fewer mallards (<i>A. platyrhynchos</i>) and northern shovelers (<i>A. clypeata</i>) than were observed on wetlands. Pond area was an important predictor of duck abundance in all models, but results were less biased and more consistent in models developed specifically for Canadian wetlands. Spatiotemporal variation in the relationship of breeding duck abundance and wetland characteristics was also affected by regional duck and pond densities. Overall, the new applications and models developed and validated in this study will be useful for wetland and waterfowl management in the Canadian prairies.

Les conflits de rang sont en France aux XVIIème et XVIIIème siècle une source abondante de contentieux. Si leur dimension sociale et symbolique a été étudiée, leur dimension juridique a moins retenu l’attention. Une approche phénoménologique des rangs, des préséances, des hiérarchies, des conflits dont ils sont l’occasion et de leurs voies de règlement en montrent la nature conflictuelle, juridique et judiciaire. A l’examen, les cérémonies et les actes où s’exprime la puissance publique (audiences publiques des souverains, lits de justice, entrées royales et principales cérémonies de l’information), révèlent le caractère constitutionnel avant la lettre de cette matière, la perméabilité entretenue entre le signe de l’autorité, que l’on peut résumer par le rang, et l’autorité elle-même. En regard, les éléments de doctrine contemporains, pour précieux qu’ils soient, laissent perplexe. Pauvre ou silencieuse, la doctrine semble pécher par prudence. L’autorité du précédent y est tacitement reconnue tandis que la puissance discrétionnaire d’un souverain démiurge indiscrètement exaltée. Cependant, l’époque n’est pas pour autant privée de toute pensée des rangs adéquate à son objet. La littérature contemporaine montre que la hiérarchie constitue pour le public cultivé de l’époque un schème fondamental, une structure implicite du discours. Ce que la doctrine s’efforce de taire et que les sources contemporaines révèlent est le travail concurrent de deux matrices à l’oeuvre dans l’Etat royal à l’âge classique, la contradiction croissante entre la souveraineté et la hiérarchie. / Conflicts of rank in France in the 17th and 18th centuries were an abundant source of litigation. If their social and symbolic dimensions have already been studied, their legal dimension has attracted less attention. A phenomenological approach to ranks, precedencies, and hierarchies, as well as their ensuing conflicts and subsequent outcomes reveal their contentious, legal and judicial character. Upon examination, the ceremonies and acts during which public authority (the sovereigns' public audiences, parliamentary sessions presided over by the king, royal entrances, and the main ceremonies of information) expressed itself reveal a constitutional character before the very existence of such a document, as well as the permeability maintained between the sign of authority - as assumed by rank - and the authority itself. On the other hand, the elements of contemporary doctrine, as precious as they may be, remain perplexing. Poor or lacking, doctrine seems to be exceedingly cautious. The authority of the precedent is tacitly recognized whereas the demiurge sovereign's discretionary power indiscreetly exalted. However, the era was hardly lacking in any adequate thought as to ranks. The contemporary literature shows that the hierarchy constituted a fundamental scheme or an implicit structure of discourse for the educated public at the time. What doctrine seeks to silence and what contemporary sources reveal is the competition of two matrices at work in the royal State of the Classical Age, the growing contradiction between sovereignty and hierarchy.

Les justices seigneuriales de l'Ancien Régime ont été beaucoup critiquées. L'étude de l'organisation et de l'activité des trois tribunaux seigneuriaux du duché-pairie de La Vallière (Château-la-Vallière, Saint-Christophe et Marçon) entre 1667 et 1790 montre pourtant que l'institution pouvait être efficace, rapide, peu coûteuse, et présenter de nombreux avantages pour les justiciables.Grâce à de larges attributions, ces tribunaux intervenaient dans de nombreux secteurs de la vie économique et sociale, ce qui les rendait particulièrement utiles pour les populations. S'ils garantissaient aux seigneurs le paiement des droits féodaux et le maintien de leur seigneurie, ils étaient avant tout au service de la communauté d'habitants. Organismes majeurs de régulation sociale dans les campagnes, ils participaient au service public de la justice et de la police, au même titre que les tribunaux royaux. Entre la fin du XVIIe et la fin du XVIIIe siècle, le coût des actes délivrés par les tribunaux du duché-pairie de La Vallière a fortement augmenté alors que, dans le même temps, leur activité globale a beaucoup décliné. Les tribunaux étudiés ne sont pas pour autant moribonds à la veille de la Révolution. Ils ont maintenu, voire accentué, leur activité dans le domaine du civil gracieux. De plus, les dix ou vingt dernières années de l'Ancien Régime sont marquées par un regain de vitalité des activités contentieuse et criminelle.

François-Henri de Montmorency-Bouteville, maréchal-duc de Luxembourg (1628-1695), connut une longue carrière d’officier général, de la fin de la guerre de Trente Ans à celle de la Ligue d’Augsbourg, et un parcours contrasté, marqué par les inconstances de la faveur et de la fortune des armes. Engagé dans la Fronde auprès de son parent, le prince de Condé, qui lui obtint en 1661 la main de l’héritière de la pairie de Luxembourg, il revint au service lors de la guerre de Dévolution. Ayant acquis la protection de Louvois, il commanda en Hollande en 1672, puis devint capitaine des gardes du corps avant d’obtenir le bâton de maréchal de France en 1675. Impliqué dans l’affaire des Poisons, il fut écarté des commandements et dut attendre la campagne de 1690 pour retrouver la direction de l’armée de Flandre, qu’il commanda jusqu’en 1694. Ses victoires, pourtant peu exploitées, lui valurent une gloire inégalée en son temps et le surnom de Tapissier de Notre-Dame ; elles en firent également l’un des généraux les plus influents à la cour de Louis XIV, qui favorisa l’élévation de sa maison. L’étude de sa carrière apporte une contribution de premier plan à l’histoire de la collaboration intéressée entre la grande noblesse et la monarchie absolutiste, et de la place des généraux dans l’État et le gouvernement du royaume. L’analyse de ses campagnes et de son expérience du commandement dévoile l’évolution de la conduite de la guerre et des opérations, au temps de la stratégie de cabinet et des conflits limités, aussi bien que les transformations progressives des pratiques de la guerre et du combat. / François-Henri de Montmorency-Bouteville, marshal-duke of Luxembourg (1628-1695), followed a long career of general officer, from the end of the Thirty Years’ War till the Nine Years’ War, and had a contrasted life marked by the inconstancies of the favour and the fortune of war. Committed in the Fronde with his relative, the prince of Condé, who obtained for him in 1661 the hand of the heiress of the “pairie” of Luxembourg, he returned to the service during the War of Devolution. Having acquired the protection of Louvois, he commanded in Holland in 1672, then became captain of a company of “gardes du corps”, before becoming marshal of France in 1675. Involved in the Affair of the Poisons, he was pushed aside from commands and had to wait for the campaign of 1690 to find back the direction of the army of Flanders, which he commanded until 1694. His victories, although not totally exploited, were worth to him an unequalled glory at that time, and the nickname of “The Tapissier de Notre-Dame” ; they also made him one of the most powerful generals in the court of Louis XIV, which favored the rise of his family. The study of his career contributes remarkably to the history of the interested collaboration between the high nobility and the absolutist monarchy, and of the place of the generals in the State and the kingdom’s government. The analysis of his campaigns and his experience of command reveals the evolution of warfare, in the time of the “stratégie de cabinet” and the limited conflicts, as well as the progressive transformations of the practice of war and fighting.