Dental anthropology played a seminal role in early studies of the peopling of the New World, and was a foundation of the early three wave model proposed by Greenberg, Turner and Zegura. In recent years, however, developments in anthropological genetics, craniometry, and archaeological discoveries have largely omit-ted dental anthropology from debates regarding Native American origins. Here we consider this situation and reassert dental anthropology's relevance to the topic by presenting an inter-individual analysis of Paleoindian and Paleoamerican dentitions. A small set of dental morphological variables was used to estimate Gower similarity coefficients between individual specimens. The resulting similarity matrix was ordinated using multidimensional scaling; all analyses were per-formed in Clustan v. 7.05. While results should be considered preliminary, patterns of variation suggest morphological similarity along both coasts of North and South America with a somewhat distinct grouping of North American Paleoindians deriving from more inland portions of the continent. This pattern is consistent with recent genetic scenarios, notably the bicoastal model presented by O'Rourke and Raff (2010), which indicates that Paleoindians may have taken multiple migration routes from Beringia, moving along both coasts as well as through the ice free corridor. Future studies may build on this work to reintegrate dental data and analysis into research concerning the peopling of the New World.

The Rancholabrean Land Mammal Age (RLB) occurred in the late Pleistocene, incorporating at least the Wisconsin Glaciation and possibly the preceding interglacial ('Sangamon'). The RLB is defined based on the occurrence of Bison. The first occurrence (arrival time) of Bison is not well established and is still debated. A conservative approach toward the RLB includes: (1) restricting the RLB to faunas south of 55°. N latitude in North America, (2) defining the RLB by the earliest arrival of Bison south of this latitude, (3) placing the best-corroborated arrival time of Bison (therefore the beginning of the RLB) between approximately 210 and 160. ka, and (4) the end of the RLB is marked by the extinction of mainly large mammals as an event or process culminating at approximately 11 radiocarbon ka BP. RLB faunas contain a wealth of information including amphibians, reptiles, birds, and mammals, but clearly the most is known about the latter. Glacial climate regimes forced species into communities that do not occur today (nonanalog or disharmonious scenarios). The debate about the terminal RLB extinctions continues with the cause either being (1) overkill due to the arrival of the First Americans, or (2) the climatic and environmental defragmentation of biotic communities.

The Rancholabrean Land Mammal Age (RLB) occurred in the late Pleistocene, incorporating at least the Wisconsin Glaciation and possibly the preceding interglacial ('Sangamon'). The RLB is defined based on the occurrence of Bison. The first occurrence (arrival time) of Bison is not well established and is still debated. A conservative approach toward the RLB includes: (1) restricting the RLB to faunas south of 55°. N latitude in North America, (2) defining the RLB by the earliest arrival of Bison south of this latitude, (3) placing the best-corroborated arrival time of Bison (therefore the beginning of the RLB) between approximately 210 and 160. ka, and (4) the end of the RLB is marked by the extinction of mainly large mammals as an event or process culminating at approximately 11 radiocarbon ka BP. RLB faunas contain a wealth of information including amphibians, reptiles, birds, and mammals, but clearly the most is known about the latter. Glacial climate regimes forced species into communities that do not occur today (nonanalog or disharmonious scenarios). The debate about the terminal RLB extinctions continues with the cause either being (1) overkill due to the arrival of the First Americans, or (2) the climatic and environmental defragmentation of biotic communities.

Recent archaeological research within the American west, especially the Great Basin (e.g., Graf and Schmitt 2007), has perpetuated the notion of decreased residential mobility accompanied by increased diet breadth of hunter-gatherer groups during the Early Holocene. The earliest occupations at North Creek Shelter (NCS), a multicomponent site in south-central Utah, date to this time, specifically the Paleoarchaic (~10,000-9000 BP) and Early Archaic (~9000-7500 BP) periods. The zooarchaeological data from these levels were analyzed to determine whether Paleoarchaic occupations on the Colorado Plateau possessed greater residential mobility and narrower diet breadth than those of the Early Archaic, as they do in the Great Basin. However, upon examination of the NCS data, neither seems to be the case, or at least not to the dramatic degree observed to the west, as settlement and subsistence strategies remain fairly constant throughout the Early Holocene.

No description available.

This thesis is an analysis and synthesis of the geologic and archaeological history of the Dickie Carr site, 41PR26, on Mill Creek in north central Texas. Included are analyses of the stratigraphy, sedimentary environments, and soils of the locality. A regional comparison is made with respect to the Late Quaternary geology of the upper Trinity River basin, Texas to interpret the geologic data. Two stratigraphic units were identified that record the Pleistocene-Holocene transition. The buried lower unit is comprised of terrace, floodplain, and channel deposits with extensive pedogenesis. The unit is Late Pleistocene in age and contains the remains of Mammuthus columbi. The upper stratigraphic unit is comprised of terrace and floodplain sediments with well-expressed pedogenesis. The unit is Early Holocene in age with Late Paleoindian and Late Archaic occupations. The archaeological components are compared and contrasted with documented sites from the Elm and East Forks of the Trinity River. The occupations are examined in a geoarchaeological context. The Late Paleoindian occupation is post-depositional and located in terrace deposits. The Late Archaic occupation is syndepositional and located in floodplain deposits.

No description available.

Ce doctorat lie les vestiges lithiques fragmentés et dispersés par des décennies de labours des terrasses marines constituant le site de La Martre (Gaspésie, Québec, Canada), pour y dégager certaines limites d’intelligibilité et de perceptibilité, et en tracer de nouvelles. Les labours forment un palimpseste archéologique spécifique : ils ont créé un effet de décontextualisation des pratiques lithiques contenues dans les bords de chaque biface et éclat lorsque les contextes de déposition permettant de rapprocher certains vestiges et d’en éloigner d’autres, et permettant d’exercer un contrôle chronologique sur ces vestiges ont été perturbés. Les seuls repères chronologiques disponibles sont (i.) un plancher d’habitabilité suivant la déglaciation du versant nord de la Gaspésie ; (ii.) l’exondation de terrasses marines dues au retrait de la mer de Goldthwait ; (iii.) des pointes de projectile dites « Plano » ayant permis d’affilier dans des travaux antérieurs une partie de La Martre au « Paléoindien récent » (entre 11 600 à 8000 cal BP dans le Nord-est américain). Conséquemment, les repères chronologiques de La Martre flottent dans une marée lithique mouvante formée de bifaces et d’éclats dans les labours sans le contrôle permis par les contours que des contextes de déposition mieux préservés permettraient. Ce contrôle préalable est indispensable pour pouvoir délimiter les échelles justifiant l’utilisation de certaines théories et méthodes d’analyse. Il est considéré que ces problèmes contextuels ne justifient aucunement l’exclusion des labours d’une narration archéologique, à condition d’opérer un renversement de nos pratiques. Les labours permettent d’exacerber des problèmes théoriques, épistémologiques et méthodologiques, constitutifs de toute pratique archéologique et que des contextes non labourés rendent invisibles. Ces problèmes peuvent être ramenés à celui provoqué par la bifurcation du réel, un geste qui, en séparant l’esprit de la matière, sépare un réel en deux et maintient l’un attaché à ce qui en est déjà connu et en bloque le développement et la transformation. Les labours marquent une première étape d’émancipation de ce réel bifurqué en nous forçant à renverser notre rapport à lui pour partir d’un réel mouvant et dispersé dans lequel une conscience perçoit et pense. Raconter des histoires lithiques dans les labours de La Martre, c’est donc prolonger ce renversement initié par ces labours en suivant ses mouvements constitutifs : ceux d’une conscience, de la taille de la pierre, des labours et de nos descriptions. C’est développer de nouvelles histoires qu’un ancrage dans un réel bifurqué inhibe. Il est proposé ici que ce renversement soit prolongé par un mouvement descriptif par lequel quinze surfaces de dispersion sont progressivement tracées : (i.) des terrasses labourées, les stations 15 et 16 de La Martre ; (ii.) des supports transformés ; (iii.) des chaînes opératoires ; (iv.) un échantillon de 447 supports transformés ; (v.) un continuum de réduction ; (vi) l’intégrité d’un support ; (vii.) les compétences ; (viii.) la matière première ; (ix.) les objectifs de taille ; (x.) les groupes techniques ; (xi.) des flux lithiques ; (xii.) une combinatoire de compétences ; (xiii.) des évolutions possibles ; (xiv.) des lieux ; (xv.) des séquences de production. Ces surfaces permettent de diversifier la taille de la pierre plutôt que de l’épurer ; de changer les conditions dans lesquelles des outils méthodologiques tels que la chaîne opératoire ou les stades d’une séquence de réduction peuvent être utilisés ; de repartir de mouvements et de rapports constitutifs de La Martre plutôt que de groupes ou d’individus préalablement définis ; de différencier les terrasses marines pour circonscrire un lieu, 16-ouest, structuré par des dynamiques socioculturelles d’apprentissage et de distinction dont émergent diverses séquences de production capturant des compétences et des objectifs divers ; de reconnecter La Martre au paysage du Nord- est paléoindien pour en diversifier les histoires lithiques et archéologiques ; de travailler dans un entre-deux : entre deux lieux, entre deux paysages, entre deux formes émergeant de nos histoires sans que ces histoires ne s’y arrêtent. Raconter des histoires lithiques dans les labours de La Martre, c’est donc effectuer un quadruple travail narratif qui ailleurs n’aurait pas eu besoin d’être fait : (i.) explorer les façons dont les tailleurs et tailleuses de La Martre s’engageaient avec leur paysage en taillant la pierre ; (ii.) analyser les conditions permettant de raconter ces histoires anthropologiques ; (iii.) créer de nouvelles conditions permettant de raconter de nouvelles histoires ; et (iv.) raconter ces histoires lithiques. / This thesis binds various lithic remains fragmented and scattered by decades of plowing at La Martre (Gaspé Peninsula, Quebec, Canada). Plowing creates a specific type of archaeological palimpsest. It erases units allowing for: the comparison of lithic practices contained within each biface and flake that make up a context; the chronological control of said units; and using various methods and theories according to an archaeological unit’s appropriate scale. A maximum chronological boundary following the deglaciation of the northern Gaspé Peninsula, the exposure of La Martre’s higher terraces by the receding sea, and the production of Plano projectile points (dated to between 11 600 and 9000 cal BP in northeastern America) provide archaeologists with some chronological control that floats within La Martre’s hundreds of thousands of lithic remains. Yet, it is argued that plowing cannot preclude archaeologists from telling lithic and other stories, provided that some practices and habits are changed. Indeed, plowing points to theoretical, epistemological and methodological problems that elsewhere may have remained invisible. These problems pertain to the bifurcation of reality inhibiting its development by laying down a ready- made and unchanging reality prior to any engagement with it. Plowing requires for this specific engagement with reality to be turned upside down, starting from a moving and dispersed reality that a consciousness perceives and thinks with. Telling lithic stories at La Martre requires that this turn be extended by following its movements: that of a conscience, of knapping and of plowing; thus telling new stories that a bifurcated relationship to reality had inhibited. It is suggested here that this turn be extended using description along fifteen dispersion surfaces: (i.) two plowed terraces, stations 15 and 16; (ii.) shaped blanks; (iii.) chaînes opératoires; (iv.) a sample of 447 shaped blanks; (v.) a reduction continuum; (vi.) shaped blank integrity; (vii.) skill; (viii.) raw material; (ix.) knapping objectives; (x.) technical groups; (xi.) lithic fluxes; (xii.) skill combinatorics; (xiii.) possible evolutions; (xiv.) places; (xv.) production sequences. Such surfaces allow for several things: first, for knapping diversification rather than refining; second, for changing the condition of use of the chaîne opératoire or the reduction sequence; third, for starting from movement and relationships rather than defined groups or individuals; fourth, for differentiating La Martre’s plowed terraces; fifth, for delimiting a place, 16-West, structured by the sociocultural dynamics of learning and distinction; sixth, for growing several production sequences; seventh, for reconnecting La Martre to the northeastern Paleoindian landscape and multiplying its lithic and archaeological stories; and eighth, for working within the “in between” places, landscapes and shapes that grow from such stories. Thus, telling lithic stories within La Martre’s plowed fields is a fourfold narrative: (i.) exploring how past people engaged with their landscape through knapping; (ii.) deconstructing conditions allowing for such an exploration; (iii.) creating new conditions allowing for new stories to be told; and (iv.) telling these new stories.

No description available.

A região de Lagoa Santa é mundialmente famosa pela quantidade, qualidade e antiguidade dos remanescentes esqueletais humanos nela encontrados. Entretanto, muito pouco é conhecido sobre as práticas mortuárias dos grupos que ocuparam a região. A versão vigente na literatura é que essas eram extremamente simples, expeditas e homogêneas. Na presente dissertação esse quadro é questionado. A partir da descrição dos 26 sepultamentos encontrados na Lapa do Santo, foi possível determinar que diferentes padrões funerários se sucederam ao longo do Holoceno. Portanto, as práticas mortuárias da região não apresentam a alegada homogeneidade cronológica. Dentre os padrões de sepultamento identificados no sítio, o de número 1 se destaca não só pela sua antiguidade (8800-8200 AP), mas por apresentar uma forte ênfase na manipulação do corpo, incluindo o caso de decapitação mais antigo do Novo Mundo. Portanto, o registro da Lapa do Santo indica um quadro muito mais complexo e sofisticado para a paisagem mortuária da região de Lagoa Santa do que aquele proposto pela literatura. Mais do que isso, mostra que, ao contrário do que se imaginava, a ênfase na manipulação do corpo no início do Holoceno não era uma característica limitada à região andina. / The Lagoa Santa region is famous for the quantity, quality and antiquity of its human skeletal remains. However, little is known about the mortuary practices of those who inhabited the region. According to literature this practices were very simple, expedient and homogeneous. In this dissertation, this scenario is challenged. Based on the descriptions of 26 human burials found in Lapa do Santo it was established that several distinct burial patterns occurred in the site during Holocene. Thereafter, the idea that in Lagoa Santa the mortuary practices were chronologically homogeneous can no longer be supported. Among the different burial patterns indentified in this site Pattern 1 highlights not only for its antiquity (8800-8200 BP) but also because it presents a strong emphasis in the manipulation of the body, including the oldest case of decapitation ever recorded in the New World. Thereafter, the burials from Lapa do Santo points to a more complex scenario for the mortuary practices in the region of Lagoa Santa than was previously though. Besides, it shows that contrary to was once believed, the emphasis on body manipulation during Early Holocene was not restricted to the Andean region, as was once thought. The mortuary practices of pre-historic hunter-gatherers from Lagoa Santa region: a case study of the Santo Rockshelter archaeological site.