Introduction: It’s estimated to be 4 573 185 Palestinians living as refugees 2014, since the start of the Israel-Palestine conflict in 1948. The third generation of Palestinians live without recognized citizenship and lack essential fundaments to achieve good health. Refugee women are more at risk for health hazards, especially women in fertile age. The aim is to identify effects on the health among Palestinian women in fertile age, in occupied Palestinian Territories and Lebanon. Methods: An integrative literature review with ten selected original articles, which have been analyzed and compiled together. Result: Stress is associated with political instability and affect Palestinian women, especially during pregnancies. Access public health care is a problem and affected women at birth, family planning and a cause of death. Participation in religious organization is a protective copingstrategy when faced with chronic political violence, also solidarity is strengthen. Living conditions in refugeecamps is associated with prevalence of obesity, anemia and domestic violence. Discussion: The military occupation prevent women to access health care. Women have an indirect roll in Israel-Palestine conflict to raise the population number. Individuals who experience chronic violence develop coping-strategies of solidary trait for survival. Living conditions in refugee camps is a risk factor for over-weight, obesity and anemia among Palestinian women. Conclusion: Negative effects among fertil women as stress, PTSD, physical illness, obesity and anemia is associated with living conditions in refugee camps. Development of external and solidary copingstrategy have protective effects on long term political violence. / Introduktion: Det uppskattas att 4 573 185 palestinier år 2014, leva som flyktingar, sedan Israel-Palestina konflikten påbörjades år 1948. Tredje generationen palestinier lever utan erkänt medborgarskap och saknar essentiella fundament, för att uppnå god hälsa. Flyktingkvinnor är mer utsatta för hälso-riskfaktorer, speciellt kvinnor i fertil ålder. Syftet är att identifiera effekter på hälsan hos palestinska flyktingkvinnor i fertil ålder, i ockuperade Palestinska Territoriet och Libanon. Metod: En litteraturöversikt med tio utvalda original artiklar har analyserats och sammanställts för att besvara syftet. Resultat: Stress är associerat med politisk instabilitet och drabbar palestinska kvinnor, speciellt under graviditeter. Åtkomst på hälso-sjukvård är ett problem och drabbar kvinnor vid förlossningar, familjeplanering och utgör dödsorsak. Engagemang i religiös verksamhet är en skyddande copingstrategi vid kroniskt politiskt våld, även solidaritet stärks. Levnadsförhållanden i flyktingläger kopplas till prevalens av fetma, anemi och våld i hemmet. Diskussion: Militär ockupationen förhindrar palestinska kvinnors att nå sjukvård. Kvinnor har en indirekt roll i Israel-Palestina konflikten med att bidra till befolknings tillväxt. Individer som erfar kroniskt våld utvecklar copingstrategier av solidariskt slag för överlevnad. Levnadsförhållanden i flyktingläger är en riskfaktor för fetma, övervikt, och anemi bland palestinska kvinnor. Slutsats: Negativa effekter bland fertila kvinnor som stress, PTSD, fysiska sjukdomar, fetma och anemia är associerat med levnadsförhållanden i flyktingläger. Utvecklande av yttre och solidarisk copingstrategi har skyddande effekt vid långvarigt politiskt våld.

The main focus of the thesis is the concept of jihad and martyrdom in Islam. It seeks to present these religious ideas from very diverse perspectives and argues that seemingly discontinuous dimensions are all parts of the nature of the phenomenon. In the world of Islam, religion is an omnipresent aspect of a public life. Hence, the historical experience, culture, socio-economics, and politics, they all manifest in religious narratives. Martyrdom embodies these complexities as well. Historically and culturally, martyrdom has been perceived as an expression of utmost activism in the struggle of a believer for the betterment of the Islamic society. Leading a responsible and truthful life sometimes demands the ultimate sacrifice of one's life for the cause. This worldly responsibility for the well-being of the Islamic umma is one dimension of complex dynamics of the Islamist movements like the Palestinian Hamas. For them, martyrdom is only one moment, the climax, which requires leading the whole life as a responsible believer in the first place. In this sense, martyrdom is a celebration of a meaningful life rather than death. This commitment of Hamas to the community, its radical understanding of the politics of the struggle, along with the particular socio-economic, and political situation in...

Cette thèse propose d’étudier les choix et les pratiques relatifs à la fécondité et au contrôle des naissances à travers le prisme des rapports de genre à l’œuvre au sein du couple palestinien et ce, dans un contexte social, économique et politique marqué par l’instabilité et une importante restriction à la mobilité. La recherche s’appuie sur une analyse secondaire des données d’enquête menée par le Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics en 2006 auprès de 5266 Palestiniennes mariées âgées de 15 à 54 ans et sur une enquête de terrain réalisée entre 2010 et 2011 en Cisjordanie et à Jérusalem-Est auprès de Palestiniens mariés, de personnels médicaux et acteurs du développement qui travaillent sur la question des femmes et de la santé reproductive. J’ai tout d’abord mis au jour les principales évolutions sociodémographiques de la société palestinienne. Puis, j’ai exploré les caractéristiques de la structure conjugale palestinienne, le fonctionnement interne du couple et la perception qu’en ont les partenaires qui le composent. L’analyse révèle un large spectre de comportements, du plus conforme aux normes et aux valeurs véhiculées par la société, jusqu’au plus individualisé ou « conjugalisé », obéissant à des logiques continuellement rediscutées et réajustées entre les conjoints. Ce travail montre également comment le contexte socio-politique façonne les trajectoires individuelles ou conjugales et participe au réagencement des rapports entre conjoints. Enfin, j’ai examiné l’organisation conjugale de la procréation. Les résultats mettent en lumière les choix et les pratiques relatifs à la fécondité et au contrôle des naissances et ce, de manière différenciée selon les relations et les rapports de genre à l’œuvre au sein du couple. Ces comportements dépendent par ailleurs des représentations et des normes procréatives socialement véhiculées. Plus globalement, cette recherche donne à voir des transformations des rôles conjugaux, modifiant en particulier les représentations de la masculinité et de la féminité et soulignant l’existence d’un couple plus autonome, égalitaire et investi de liens affectifs. / This PhD aims to study the choices and practices relating to fertility and birth control through the prism of gender relations within the Palestinian couple, in a social context, marked by economic and political instability and a significant restriction on mobility. This research combines two complementary approaches. First, we made a secondary analysis of the Palestinian Family Health Survey (PFHS) conducted in 2006 by the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics (PCBS). Only the women at reproductive age (15-54 years) who were married at the time of the survey (N=5,266) were selected for this study. Second, the analysis is based on a field survey conducted between 2010 and 2011 in the West Bank and East Jerusalem with Palestinian spouses, medical workers and development actors working on women's issues and reproductive health. First of all, we highlight the main sociodemographic evolutions of the Palestinian society. Then, we explored the characteristics of the Palestinian conjugal structure: the functioning of the couple and the perception that the partners have on themselves. The analysis reveals a wide spectrum of behaviors: from compliance with the standards and values disseminated by the society, until the most individualized or "conjugalized". This work also underlines how the socio-political context shapes the individual or marital trajectories and participates in the re-organization of relationships between spouses. Finally, we examined the conjugal organization of procreation. The results highlight the choices and practices relating to fertility and birth control and show that these behaviors are differentiated according to gender relations within couple. These behaviors also depend on representations and procreative norms which are socially disseminated. On the whole, this research allows one to see transformations in marital roles, more particularly in representations of masculinity and femininity. It also underlines the existence of a more autonomous, more equal and loving couple.

This research explores the role of co-learning in addressing water issues, being both context sensitive and responsive to the needs, lived experiences and symbolic representations of people at the local level in the case of the West Bank. Water is essential to the wellbeing of all societies, not only due to the necessity of water for life, but because it connects us to stories about place, beliefs and norms, identity and others, through the meanings that it invariably comes to embody. This research critically examines the significance for learning of freshwater: as a physical necessity; as a metaphor; and, as a source of meaning in the context of community-based water interventions. The dominance of particular narratives around water in the Occupied Palestinian Territories are discussed, as these have resulted in the acceptance of specific understandings about the problems and solutions to the water shortages that are experienced across the West Bank in differentiated ways. The effects of these narratives on water intervention processes and outcomes are observed, being most adverse in relation to local ownership, agency and identity as well as sustainability. A meaning-based framework is proposed based on an understanding of sense of place and a socio-political perspective of water shortages, as a way to reconnect the discourse with Palestinians' own accounts of water and place, and to provide opportunities to explore NGO engagement with divergent knowledges, perspectives, and priorities during interventions. It is argued that water interventions can be understood as a social learning process, which NGOs may be ideally situated to mediate. A model of learning and sustainable development is revisited and revised in order to consider the relationship between participation, agency and sustainability in relation to community-based water interventions.

Understanding the history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is important for a greater understanding of the current state of sexual and reproductive rights of Palestinian women. Constant military occupation has been a determining factor hindering the development of comprehensive and coherent health policies and programmes. As a result of the Oslo Accords and the Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement in 1994, the Palestinian National Authority was granted limited authority over portions of the West Bank and Gaza. In 2007-2008 a multi-national, multi-disciplinary study team undertook a national study to assess the reproductive health content of nursing education and identify gaps in curricular coverage and implementation. One component of this project included exploring final year nursing and midwifery students’ attitudes toward a range of sexual and reproductive health issues. This thesis analyzes these data and explores the demographic factors, including gender, region, and residence, associated with nursing and midwifery students’ attitudes toward abortion and contraception-related laws and policies. Our findings suggest that there is a considerable need to incorporate values clarification exercises as well as structured sessions dedicated to laws and policies governing sexual and reproductive health into the formal curricula of programs in both the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Our results also shed further light on the dynamics shaping abortion and contraception attitudes among health professions students in the Occupied Palestinian Territories.

This thesis is focused on the impact of the events that are connected with the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The main focus is on the socioeconomic impact those events had on the Gaza Strip and West Bank. Therefore, the first chapter of this thesis summarizes the development in the area of today's Israel, Gaza Strip and West Bank territories in the period before the formation of the state of Israel to today. The second chapter continues with the socioeconomic description of those territories since the year 1967 until today. This chapter shows the influence of the occupation on the socioeconomic situation in the areas mentioned above and describes the socioeconomic changes that appeared in connection with the peace process in the nineties and also explains the influence of the current events on the socioeconomic situation in both areas. The thesis ends with a chapter that is focused on the main problems that appear when negotiating about the final status of the Palestinian territories, including the economic issues, and it outlines a possible solution of those problems in the case of a hypothetical decision for the existence of two independent states -- Palestine and Israel.

Be it the Algerian National Liberation Front, the African National Congress in South Africa or the continued struggle of the Palestinian people, the principle of self-determination is largely central to all projects of national liberation. This paper addresses what is arguably a deficient conception of self-determination by highlighting two factors that contributed to this deficiency. The first is the re-enforcement of dependency in self-determination projects by international institutions, primarily through the Mandate System. The second is a merit-based system of conditionality for the granting of independence, accompanied by a tendency to deformalize the law, relegating self-determination to an empty principle, the substance of which is decided by the negotiations’ context. The case of Palestine is used to demonstrate how those factors are adopted as central means in resolving the Palestinian self-determination problem, which in-turn leads to a deficient conception that does not account for the core content of the right.

Be it the Algerian National Liberation Front, the African National Congress in South Africa or the continued struggle of the Palestinian people, the principle of self-determination is largely central to all projects of national liberation. This paper addresses what is arguably a deficient conception of self-determination by highlighting two factors that contributed to this deficiency. The first is the re-enforcement of dependency in self-determination projects by international institutions, primarily through the Mandate System. The second is a merit-based system of conditionality for the granting of independence, accompanied by a tendency to deformalize the law, relegating self-determination to an empty principle, the substance of which is decided by the negotiations’ context. The case of Palestine is used to demonstrate how those factors are adopted as central means in resolving the Palestinian self-determination problem, which in-turn leads to a deficient conception that does not account for the core content of the right.

A presente dissertação procurou investigar o fenômeno aqui identificado como digitalização da ocupação da Palestina contemporânea, por meio de reflexões analíticas e históricas sobre as técnicas e tecnologias de controle e monitoramento implantadas pelo que entendemos como um esforço colonial na Palestina contemporânea, tal como a intersecção dessas técnicas e tecnologias com a emergência do Estado de Israel como um nicho global high tech. Sustenta-se que o nomeado processo se dá, em primeiro lugar, em concordância com uma tendência de privatização do setor de segurança - também no que se refere a seu envolvimento nos Territórios Palestinos Ocupados (TPOs) - e, em segundo lugar, com uma narrativa de eficiência, precisão e higienização da guerra, correspondente a um movimento de desresponsabilização do Estado sobre a população nos TPOs e sobre as violações e abusos perpetrados sobre ela. Por fim, no contexto aparentemente contraditório entre a multiplicação das tecnologias de informação e comunicação e sua promessa de superação de fronteiras, e o endurecimento do controle da Ocupação, serão localizadas manifestações e possibilidades de resistência do povo palestino à consolidação das dimensões cibernéticas da colonização da Palestina. / The present dissertation intended to investigate the phenomenon here identified as the digitalization of the occupation of contemporary Palestine, by means of analytical and historical reflexions regarding the techniques and technologies of control and surveillance implanted by what is hereby understood as a colonial effort in Palestinian territory, as well as the intersections of these techniques and technologies with the emergence of the State of Israel as a global high tech niche. It is understood that the referred process takes place, at first, in coherence with a privatization trend in the security sector - as well as its correspondence in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) - and, secondly, as a narrative of efficiency, precision and sanitation of war, corresponding with the outsourcing of responsibility over violations and abuses perpetrated against the Palestinian population. Finally, in the seemingly contradictory context between the multiplication of information technologies and its promise regarding borders overruns, and the hardening of the Occupations control mechanisms, we shall discuss the possibility of resistance manifestations, from the Palestinian people in face of the cybernetic dimensions of the colonization of Palestine.

A presente dissertação procurou investigar o fenômeno aqui identificado como digitalização da ocupação da Palestina contemporânea, por meio de reflexões analíticas e históricas sobre as técnicas e tecnologias de controle e monitoramento implantadas pelo que entendemos como um esforço colonial na Palestina contemporânea, tal como a intersecção dessas técnicas e tecnologias com a emergência do Estado de Israel como um nicho global high tech. Sustenta-se que o nomeado processo se dá, em primeiro lugar, em concordância com uma tendência de privatização do setor de segurança - também no que se refere a seu envolvimento nos Territórios Palestinos Ocupados (TPOs) - e, em segundo lugar, com uma narrativa de eficiência, precisão e higienização da guerra, correspondente a um movimento de desresponsabilização do Estado sobre a população nos TPOs e sobre as violações e abusos perpetrados sobre ela. Por fim, no contexto aparentemente contraditório entre a multiplicação das tecnologias de informação e comunicação e sua promessa de superação de fronteiras, e o endurecimento do controle da Ocupação, serão localizadas manifestações e possibilidades de resistência do povo palestino à consolidação das dimensões cibernéticas da colonização da Palestina. / The present dissertation intended to investigate the phenomenon here identified as the digitalization of the occupation of contemporary Palestine, by means of analytical and historical reflexions regarding the techniques and technologies of control and surveillance implanted by what is hereby understood as a colonial effort in Palestinian territory, as well as the intersections of these techniques and technologies with the emergence of the State of Israel as a global high tech niche. It is understood that the referred process takes place, at first, in coherence with a privatization trend in the security sector - as well as its correspondence in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) - and, secondly, as a narrative of efficiency, precision and sanitation of war, corresponding with the outsourcing of responsibility over violations and abuses perpetrated against the Palestinian population. Finally, in the seemingly contradictory context between the multiplication of information technologies and its promise regarding borders overruns, and the hardening of the Occupations control mechanisms, we shall discuss the possibility of resistance manifestations, from the Palestinian people in face of the cybernetic dimensions of the colonization of Palestine.