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Autobiography as image repair : an analysis of Sarah Palin's restoration strategies /Canja, Elizabeth H. January 1900 (has links)
Thesis (M.A.I.S.)--Oregon State University, 2010. / Printout. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 72-76). Also available on the World Wide Web.
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De palin particulaMalicki, Clemens, January 1907 (has links)
Thesis (doctoral)--University of Greifswald. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references.
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Gender bias against Sarah Palin a content analysis of national newspapers /Irwin, Katherine Coffey, Kim, Seihill, January 2009 (has links)
Thesis--Auburn University, 2009. / Abstract. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 73-80).
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Tropes and Topoi of Anti-Intellectualism in the Discourse of the Christian RightCarney, Zoe L. 2010 May 1900 (has links)
Christianity is
not
anti-intellectual;
however,
there
is
a
distinct
quality
of
anti-intellectualism
in
the
rhetoric
of
the
Christian
Right.
This
thesis
explores
the
ways
in
which
rhetors
in
the
Christian
Right
encourage
anti-intellectual
sentiment
without
explicitly
claiming
to
be
against
intellectualism.
I
argue
that
the
Christian
Right
makes
these
anti-intellectual
arguments
by
invoking
the
tropes
and
topoi
of
populism,
anti-evolution,
and
common
sense.
I
analyze
how
Pat
Robertson,
as
a
representative
of
the
Christian
Right,
used
the
stock
argument,
or
topos,
of
populism
in
his
1986
speech,
in
which
he
announced
his
intention
to
run
for
President.
I
argue
that
while
Robertson
used
the
generic
argumentative
framework
of
populism,
which
is
"anti-elitist,"
he
shifted
the
meaning
of
the
word
"elitist"
from
a
wealthy
person
to
an
intellectual
person.
This
formed
a
trope,
or
turn
in
argument.
Next,
I
consider
the
Christian
Right's
argument
against
the
teaching
of
evolution.
I
analyze
William
J.
Bryan's
argument
in
the
Scopes
Trial,
a
defining
moment
in
the
creation-evolution
debate.
I
show
that
Bryan
used
the
topos
of
creationism,
which
included
the
loci
of
quality
and
order,
to
condemn
the
teaching
of
evolution,
arguing
that
it
would
be
better
to
not
have
education
at
all
than
for
students
to
be
taught
something
that
contradicts
the
Bible.
Finally,
I
consider
how
both
Ronald
Reagan
and
Sarah
Palin
used
the
topos
of
common
sense.
Reagan
used
this
topos
to
create
a
metaphorical
narrative
that
was
to
be
accepted
as
reality,
or
common
sense.
Sarah
Palin,
then,
used
the
common
sense
narrative
that
Reagan
had
created
to
support
her
views.
By
calling
her
ideas
"common
sense"
and
frequently
referencing
Reagan,
her
rhetoric
gives
the
illusion
that
good
governing
is
simple,
thus
removing
the
space
for
an
intellectual
in
public
life.
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Bringing the Frame Into Focus: How Cable News Pundits Protect the Glass CeilingCassidy, Kathryn M 01 January 2012 (has links) (PDF)
In many nations, the 21st century has been about women in politics. Not only are they running for prominent political offices, but they are winning them. The trend toward success for American female politicians has been slower to progress, however, as no women have been elected to the U.S. Presidency to date, and social science research suggests persistent gender biases exist in their news coverage. In order to explore the potential role that media play in continuing this gender disparity in U.S. politics, this comparative study investigates how cable pundit programs – a dramatic, partisan genre of “news” that has risen in popularity since the 2008 election – frame female candidates for the highest national office. A content analysis of pre-election coverage of three prominent U.S. politicians on the national scene, Hillary Clinton, Sarah Palin and Michele Bachmann, on The O’Reilly Factor, On the Record with Greta Van Susteren, The Last Word with Lawrence O’Donnell, Countdown with Keith Olbermann and The Rachel Maddow Show reveals a small incidence of gendered coverage across these shows overall. Among said coverage found, however, trends in the data suggest that conservative programs employ more gendered frames than liberal programs, and that those frames are particularly negative when referring to liberal candidates (Clinton), and positive when referring to conservative (Palin and Bachmann) candidates. Further, the gender of the pundits, the gender of the cable network production staff members, and the political party affiliations of executive staff/owners correspond to the frames employed by these programs in unique ways.
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Political Campaigning 2.0: How the 2008 Obama-Biden and McCain-Palin Campaigns and Web Users Framed Race, Gender, and AgeArmstrong, Erin H. January 2013 (has links)
No description available.
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A cup of tea a study of the Tea Party Caucus in the United States House of RepresentativesPhillips, Stephen 01 May 2012 (has links)
Over the course of the last few years, a new movement has taken the American political system by storm, the Tea Party. The movement has not only captivated our media but also the minds of ordinary Americans and political elites. According to popular consensus and academic opinion, the Tea Party is comprised of a group of conservative-leaning Republicans who want a smaller government and a lesser tax burden. This is what we think of the Tea Party, but is it true? It is perceived that Tea Party members differ significantly from their Republican colleagues in the House of Representatives, but do they? Do they truly represent the Tea Party philosophy and agenda? By creating an original data set on the Republican members of the United States House of Representatives, and examining variables such as the political lean, economic and employment make-up of a member's district, their endorsements and incumbency, as well as high priority legislative votes from the 112th Congress, I will be able to investigate the characteristics and tendencies of Tea Party Caucus members. Once one looks at the 242 member House Republican Caucus and further examines the sixty members of the Tea Party Caucus, the data shows that Tea Party Caucus members largely originate from safe Republican districts and have served in previous congressional terms. Analysis shows that Tea Party Caucus members do vary significantly from their House Republican colleagues when examining their districts, but do not vary as considerably when examining their voting patterns.
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Embracing LOLitics: Popular Culture, Online Political Humor, and PlayTay, Geniesa January 2012 (has links)
The Internet, and Web 2.0 tools can empower audiences to actively participate in media creation. This allows the production of large quantities of content, both amateur and professional. Online memes, which are extensions of usually citizen-created viral content, are a recent and popular example of this. This thesis examines the participation of ordinary individuals in political culture online through humor creation. It focuses on citizen-made political humor memes as an example of engaged citizen discourse. The memes comprise of photographs of political figures altered either by captions or image editing software, and can be compared to more traditional mediums such as political cartoons, and 'green screens' used in filmmaking. Popular culture is often used as a 'common language' to communicate meanings in these texts. This thesis thus examines the relationship between political and popular culture. It also discusses the value of 'affinity spaces', which actively encourage users to participate in creating and sharing the humorous political texts. Some examples of the political humor memes include: the subversion of Vladimir Putin's power by poking fun at his masculine characteristics through acts similar to fanfiction, celebrating Barack Obama’s love of Star Wars, comparing a candid photograph of John McCain to fictional nonhuman creatures such as zombies using photomanipulation, and the wide variety of immediate responses to Osama bin Laden's death. This thesis argues that much of the idiosyncratic nature of the political humor memes comes from a motivation that lies in non-serious play, though they can potentially offer legitimate political criticism through the myths 'poached' from popular culture.
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