This thesis studies women politicians’ journey along the path from candidates to elected representatives in party list proportional representation (PR list) systems. While past literature provides sufficient evidence that more women are elected in proportional electoral systems than in majority / plurality systems, there is limited research explaining the differences in women’s representation across varying types of PR list systems. This thesis aims to fill that gap, by focusing primarily on the election of women across preferential (open and ordered list systems) and non-preferential (closed list systems) PR list voting systems. Moreover, unlike the vast majority of previous research, which has relied on aggregate level data only, this research investigates the election of women at the individual candidate level. Such an approach allows the present thesis to consider, next to traditional aggregate level predictors, how party gatekeepers and the news media may either support or hinder women in progressing from candidates to elected representatives. Since the focus is set on the 2009 European Parliament elections, this thesis investigates the process of electing women cross-nationally. The results show that female candidates have a higher likelihood of being elected in non-preferential closed list voting systems than in preferential ordered list voting systems. The results suggest that this is the case because, first, party gatekeepers in ordered list systems place women in less viable electoral list positions than party gatekeepers in closed list systems; second, media cover female candidates less in ordered list systems compared to closed list systems; and finally, female candidates in ordered list systems fail to make up their less competitive starting position with preference votes because preference votes in ordered list systems do not significantly alter the initial party list rankings.

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It is well recognized that the 1993 election campaign catapulted the Reform party into the national political scene, but our understanding of how this was possible is quite limited. Drawing on the work in cognitive psychology on attitude change, the work on the news media coverage of elections, and the political science work on election campaigns, this thesis locates the impetus for Reform's success in the dynamic flow of information about the party that was available in television news broadcasts and voters' likelihood of being persuaded by that information. This link is developed by an analysis that makes use of a content analysis of the 1993 campaign, the 1993 Canadian Election Study, and a merged analysis of the election and news data. The Reform party began the campaign as a minor component of the news coverage of the election, but the news media coverage changed dramatically. Reform was provided with more news access than its support indicated it deserved and that coverage focused on what became a major theme of the election; the welfare state and the role of government. Coverage of Reform underwent a further change as it both decreased and focused on cultural issues during the last two weeks of the campaign. Using a two-mediator model of attitude change, the analysis shows that people who were predisposed to agree with Reform's anti-welfare state message and who were likely to be aware of the news information, changed both their perceptions of the party and increased their support for the party. Further support for the impact of the media is derived from the analysis of voter response to the second change in news coverage. The analysis suggests that campaigns do matter, but that the size of the impact is dependent upon the underlying uncertainty associated with the parties and candidates, and on the degree to which the information flow of the campaign changes. The information flow contributes to both learning and priming among people who receive and accept new information. While voters respond reasonably to new information, the outcome will depend on what information voters are given and what information actually reaches the habitually unaware segments of the population.

This thesis marks the first attempt to systematically study Canadian minor parties. Minor parties, as distinct from third parties, are those that acquire less than 5 percent of the national vote (usually much less than one percent) and have never sent an MP to Ottawa. We know little about parties as a group except that their numbers have steadily proliferated over the last 20 years and that this growth shows no signs of abating. The goal of this paper is fill the knowledge gap surrounding minor parties and to assess the health of electoral democracy in Canada. Specifically, nine minor parties are studied through the experiences of their candidates during the 1993 federal election. The findings presented are based on data collected from government sources and on surveys and interviews administered to a sample of minor party candidates who ran in the greater Vancouver area. The dissemination of political beliefs not represented in mainstream politics was the dominant reason candidates gave for participating in elections. Winning is a long term ambition, but not expected in the short run for the majority of parties. Despite their modest aims, minor parties and candidates are unduly fettered in their ability to effectively compete in elections and communicate with the public. Minor party campaigns typically have scant political resources, including money, time and workers; electoral laws — concerning registration thresholds, broadcasting time allotments and campaign reimbursements — designed to promote fairness, disadvantage the system's weakest players; and subtle biases on the part of the press, debate organizers and potential donors close important channels of communication. Of these factors, money emerged as the most important, with media exposure — or the lack of it — a close second in terms of determining a party's competitiveness. The National Party, with superior resources, was often an exception to the above characterization, but ultimately, media neglect sealed its fate as a marginal party. Notwithstanding the great odds facing minor parties, winning is not impossible given the right alignment of factors. The Reform Party did it in 1993, providing other small parties with hope and an example to follow.

When I came to Canada five years ago, leaving a turbulent and politically unlucky land behind me, I knew nothing about the Canadian Senate. My interest in it does not extend farther back than three years. This comparatively short acquaintance may explain the weaknesses and the strength -- if any-- of this study. It will probably lack the insight which can only come with one's being reared and educated in the atmosphere of a particular social and political milieu with its traditions, Views and institutions. Such inside knowledge cannot possibly be acquired in the short span of a few years. Of the inevitable consequences of the absence of such native familiarity I am painfully aware. On the other hand, want of any preconceived notions may produce freedom from prejudice and encourage objectivity -- a trait particularly useful in the discussion of such a phenomenon as the Canadian Senate, which I have found fogged in an almost impenetrable cloud of partisan attitudes and biases. [...]

Magistro baigiamajame darbe „Rinkimų sistemų poveikis balsavimo rezultatams: 2004 m. ir 2008 m. Lietuvos Respublikos Seimo rinkimų atvejų analizė“ nagrinėjama kaip būtų susiklostę abiejų paskutinių LR Seimo rinkimų rezultatai, jei rinkimai vyktų ne pagal dabar taikomą paralelinę mišrią rinkimų sistemą. Šio darbo tikslas – išanalizuoti ir eksperimentiškai patikrinti kaip skirtingos rinkimų sistemos įtakoja LR Seimo rinkimų rezultatus ir kaip nuo to keičiasi parlamentinių partijų svoris bei įtaka. Uždaviniai: 1. Apžvelgti šiuo metu pasaulyje naudojamas rinkimų sistemas; 2. Pateikti pagrindinių rinkimų sistemų detalią analizę išskiriant jų privalumus bei trūkumus; 3. Atlikti 2004 m. ir 2008 m. LR Seimo rinkimų atvejų analizę pritaikant skirtingas rinkimų sistemas; 4. Palyginti galimus 2004 m. ir 2008 m. LR Seimo rinkimų rezultatus taikant skirtingas rinkimų sistemas bei apibendrinti gautus rezultatus. Hipotezės: 1. Sąrašinė proporcinė rinkimų sistema parankesnė naujai susikūrusioms partijoms ir savo ruožtu neparanki tradicinėms; 2. Mažoritarinės rinkimų sistemos neparankios naujai susikūrusioms partijoms; 3. Tautinių mažumų partijoms ir nepartiniams kandidatams parankiausia “pirmas-prie-finišo” rinkimų sistema; Atliktoje analizėje su 5 skirtingomis rinkimų sistemomis, patvirtinamos keltos hipotezės, kad proporcinio atstovavimo rinkimų sistemos palankios naujai besikuriančioms partijoms ir leistų joms turėti iki 80% daugiau atstovų įstatymų leidžiamojoje institucijoje, kai tuo... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Master‘s Degree final paper work „Electoral systems impact on voting results: 2004 and 2008 Lithuanian parliament elections‘ case study“ pays main attention to what the results would be of the two last elections to Lithuanian parliament if other than parallel electoral system was used. Main goal is to analize and experimentaly check how do different electoral systems impact Lithuanian parliament results and how depending on results do the party position, weight and influence change. Object: 1. To review electoral systems currently used in the world; 2. To make detailed analysis of main electoral systems stressing their advantages and disadvantages; 3. To analyse 2004 and 2008 Lithuanian parliament elections using five different electoral systems (party list, two round, first-past-the-post, MMP and limited voting); 4. To compare possible results of 20004 and 2008 Lithuanian parliament elections using different electoral systems and conclude the results Hypothesis: 1. Party list system provides new parties with additional seats in the parliament; 2. Plurality / majority systems provides new parties with less seats comparing to parallel system; 3. First-past-the-post provides additional seats (comparing to parallel system) to minority parties and non-partisan candidates. Detailed analysis results confirm, that party list system provides new parties with additional seasts in the parliament. At the same time, two biggest traditional parties would lose up to 28,89% seats comparing... [to full text]

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Tradicinė žiniasklaida vis dar yra populiariausia komunikacinė sistema, tačiau pasaulinis interneto voratinklis taip pat tapo plačiai naudojama komunikacine erdve, neatskiriama politinės komunikacijos dalimi. Internetinėje erdvėje svarbiausia yra ne tai, kiek politiniai reklamai išleidžiama lėšų, o politikų idėjos ir nuostatos, partijų ideologija ir argumentai. Vadinasi, politikų galimybės internete tampa lygios. Interneto suteikiama galimybė vykti abipusei komunikacijai tarp politikų ir visuomenės, naudotis daugybe naujų įrankių, naujų informacijos keitimosi būdų keičia politinę komunikaciją. Tinklaraščiai pakeitė politinių požiūrių funkcionavimą viešojoje erdvėje. Joje dominuoja politinis vertybinis kontekstas, neveikia racionalūs argumentai, nes politika – tai vertybinių pozicijų susidūrimas, kur oponentas visada turi būti nugalėtas. Politikų tinklaraščiuose visada pateikiamas atitinkamas politinis požiūris, kuris gali būti paprastų ir visiems suprantamų, į vertybes apeliuojančių tezių rinkinys. Remiantis iškeltomis hipotezėmis, kurios pasitvirtino, darbe prieita prie šių išvadų: 1) Motyvai, skatinantys Lietuvos politikus naudotis tinklaraščiais, yra itin patobulėjusios „virtualiosios“ politinės komunikacijos technologijos, politikų polinkis neatsilikti nuo išsivysčiusių šalių praktikos šioje srityje. 2) Lietuvos politikų poreikis naudotis tinklaraščiais yra daugiau išorinis, veikiau „padiktuotas“ užsienio mados, o ne gilaus vidinio įsitikinimo. Dauguma jų į tinklaraščius... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The Internet usage forms in political communication constantly change and improve. One of them is blogs. According to S. Herring, most scholars agree that the blog is the most relevant form of communication using PC. Most researches of the last decade were designated for the research of the impact of political blog on mass media and a blog as a form of political participation. Researches also reflected motives for writing in blogs. Findings of scholars who analyzed political communication demonstrated that the greatest motive for politicians to write in blogs is a possibility to set out their ideas and get into a dialogue with groups of citizens who support them. The first researches of blogs were the blog writers. The most prominent of them are D. W. Drezner, H. Farrell, M. Hindman, R. Blood, D. Burstein and etc. This Master thesis analyzes application of blogs – a new and modern (and becoming more and more modern) means of communication – in communication of the Seimas members with citizens, the approach to importance of the usage of blogs in political communication and importance to formation of political society and public spirit is introduced. Besides the paper tries to analyze possibilities of members of the Seimas to communicate with citizens via the Internet, their attitude towards blogs as a way of political communication and to establish the reasons and peculiarities for usage of new „virtual“ form of communication and assess their motives and actions. The goals set... [to full text]