The present study is focused on the female parliamentary members as agents: those who forced their way through the power structures, those who were elected to political commissions of trust, and those who managed to pursue political issues in the maledominated environment. The overall aim of the study has been to investigate the roots of the female parliamentary members’ political actions and their ability to act strategically and purposfully in order to obtain power in the Swedish bicameral Riksdag. By depicting a collective biography of the female parliamentary members I have investigated how the individual female politicians advanced in their careers and explained the changes over time. Four problem areas were investigated. The gender structure in the Riksdag was studied through mapping of the female parliamentary members’ backgrounds and career routes. The women’s political interests and work in the Riksdag were studied. In addition I investigated whether there was any cooperation among the female parliamentary members and whether on some occasions they cooperated in order to promote common female interests and also whether there were women in the Riksdag who worked and cooperated in order to level out the gender differences in society. Finally the female parliamentary members’ views of the parliamentary and party work were studied. When the Riksdag was first opened to female members the structures isolated them. The men did not admit them into the work of the Riksdag on the same conditions. The women were restricted by the gender order of the Riksdag, but some agents could still modify the structural conditions. Some of the female agents broke their isolation by acting collectively. Their work on the female issues gave them legitimacy in time. They acquired channels in order to work for their interests. They widened their areas of interest and in time they managed to take part in the work of the committees and parliamentary groups. They were then rewarded with assignments. The male parliamentary members admitted the female parliamentary members into politics. They also started co-operating with the men to an increasingly high degree. At the end of the period of investigation the female parliamentary members became more and more integrated in the work of the Riksdag. The great usefulness of the female parliamentary members’ work did not manifest itself however until the 1970s, when they were very successful in their political endeavours and the female representation increased considerably.

The aim with this paper is to study how the integrational ideology of the Swedish parliaments party platforms, including the right wing Sverigedemokraterna, is formulated. The integration theories examined are assimilationism, multiculturalism, universalism and residualism. In turn these theories are simultaneously applied to the party platforms extracting explicit or implicit messages of the four former mentioned theories. The Swedish history of integration as well as immigration, which per capita is one of the highest in the European union, pinpoints the reason why this subject is due to further investigation. The results show that most of the parties contain traces of more than one integration theory, with the exception of primarily Sverigedemokraterna which focuses on assimilationism. On the other hand Vänsterpartiet, Socialdemokraterna and Centerpartiet are in favour of multiculturalism whereas Folkpartiet, Kristdemokraterna, Miljöpartiet, and Moderaterna contain more than one integration theory.

Abstract Title: The Junilistan in the elections of the European Parliament in 2004 A media drama in three acts Number of pages: 42 Author: Kristiina Ruuti Tutor: Amelie Hössjer Course: Media and Communication Studies C University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information Science, Uppsala University Date of submission: 2007-01-13, autumn term of 2006 Purpose/Aim: The purpose of the essay is to examine the media coverage of the Swedish Junilistan in the elections of the European Parliament in Sweden 2004. My hypothesis is that the media coverage of the political party Junilistan was a media drama with elements of classical dramaturge. Material/Method: Qualitative content analyses of four Swedish newspapers from a narratological perspective. Main results: The media coverage of the political party Junilistan was a media drama with elements of classical dramaturge. The coverage became a drama with three acts. Diverse actors with different projects could be identified from the articles. Keywords: Narrative, election journalism, classic drama, mediadrama, actant, European parliament

The 2008 U.S. Presidential Elections were in many ways special, where the USA got its first president of Afro-American origin, Barack Obama. The elections will also be historical since the great use of social medias - as the community Facebook, the video sharing site YouTube and web based diaries, blogs - broke through during the campaigns. This study's purpose was to examine how a few members of the Swedish parliament described the result of the Presidential Elections in their blogs. The main question - how the election results were described in the blogs - was divided into three themes, created on the basis of the blog's content. The themes were Barack Obama, John McCain and the future. To answer the questions a qualitative text analysis was made, in order to analyze the positive and negative values and opinions in the blog posts. The results showed that the majority of the chosen seven bloggers - one from each parliament party - had a positive view of Barack Obama's victory. Obama's winner speech got special attention. Regarding John McCain, he was described as a good loser, even though - as in the Obama theme - there were exceptions. The majority of the bloggers had an optimistic view of the future, but the most of them thought that Obama will face many difficult challenges, like the financial crisis and the anxiety in the Middle East. In the final discussion Obama's election campaign, with it's engagement in social medias, and hope for a better future, were the main causes to the overall optimistic view in the blogs. Finally, a discussion about what didactic consequences the blog's place in education in civics will have. More participation and better insight into the political life are two positive consequences. Dragging peoples name in the mud and the creating of false rumors are two negative consequences. Key words: blog, social media, presidential elections, Swedish parliament members.

I denna uppsats undersöks om, och i så fall hur, man översätter könsneutralt på Europaparlamentet. Man kan översätta könsneutralt genom att till exempel skriva han eller hon, använda passiv eller plural. För att kunna undersöka hur man översätter könsneutralt, redogörs för vad genus och könsneutralt språk är, vilken roll genus spelar för denna typ av översättning, vilka olika genusaspekter som är viktiga för tyska och svenska, och terminologiska aspekter. Den teoretiska utgångspunkten bygger på feministisk lingvistisk och översättningsteoretisk litteratur som Simon, Thüne och Leonardi, Jobin och von Flotow. Material och metod baseras på interna dokument som Europaparlamentet gett ut. Jag har använt mig av Europaparlamentets arbetsordning som material och två rekommendationshäften om könsneutralt språk i Europaparlamentet som utgångspunkt. Därutöver gjorde jag intervjuer med två tyska och två svenska översättare på Europaparlamentet i Luxemburg. Resultaten visar att alla rekommendationer om könsneutralt språk faktiskt inte används, utan att man har valt olika strategier på tyska och svenska. I båda språken används passiv form och plural, medan användningen av pronomen skiljer sig mycket mellan de båda språken. Vidare ansågs omskrivning med substantivering som mycket tveksam och förekom inte heller i arbetsordningsanalysen. Det som undersöktes var adjektivböjningen och användningen av pronomen vad gäller funktionsbeteckningar i Europaparlamentets arbetsordning. Det visade sig vara lättare att översätta könsneutralt på svenska än på tyska. Han eller hon används inte på tyska, inte heller den så kallade Binnen-I med vilkens hjälp man kan markera båda könen på tyska. Sammanfattningsvis kan man säga att översättarna, med hjälp av rekommendationerna i de ovan nämnda häftena och sin egen språkkänsla försöker att formulera sina översättningar könsneutralt, och att könsneutralt språk i stort sett också återspeglas i Europaparlamentets arbetsordning. / This thesis is an empirical study on gender neutral translation at the European Parliament. In order to translate gender neutraly, the translator can write he or she, use passive-constructions or plural. In order to be able to analyze how a translator translates gender neutraly, I will first present how gender and gender neutral language is defined, how gender affects translation, which aspects are of importance for Swedish and German, as well as terminological aspects. The theoretical background is based on feminist linguistic and translation theory such as Simon, Thüne and Leonardi, Jobin and von Flotow. The research material and method are based on internal documents of the European Parliament, videlicet the Rules of Procedure and a broschure on gender neutral language. In addition, I interviewed translators of the European Parliament in Luxembourg, two of them being German and two of them being Swedish. It can be said that not all of the given recommendations for gender neutral language are used and that the usage differs in German and Swedish. Recommendations such as passive-constructions and plural are applied in both languages, while nominalization was considered to be questionable. Furthermore, the usage of functions, pronouns and adjectives in the Rules of Procedure was analyzed. In Swedish translations, the use of he and she is quite common, while it is not recommended for German, nor is the usage of Binnen-I for that matter. Summing up, it can be said that it is easier to translate and write gender neutraly in Swedish as in German and that all translators pay attention to the given recommendations and translate as gender neutral as possible, which is also reflected in the translation of the Rules of Procedure.

There are quite a number of researches on the risk management review in public projects especially so called megaprojects, public project with high investment. Such effort, however, usually tends to offer the lessons in certain condition rather than generalize to others. Our research aims to bridge the gap by exploring the relation between the public feature of Megaproject and its risk management policy option. Under the project risk management framework, the case study of Scottish Parliament Building project focuses on the stakeholder intervenes during the whole process. In the analysis, the risks are first outlined according to the report ex post, then we go back to examine the risk assessment and risk control policy during the project to identify the reasons leading to the deviation. The finding demonstrates the politics intervene has generated high transaction cost for project manager to implement risk reduction and mitigation policy, and the optimum way under such condition to accept or avoid the risks at all, but not handle them. Accordingly, the thesis suggests that the appropriate risk transfer and contingency allowance will be the key success factors in the megaproject.

This thesis analyzes the cohesiveness, and voting likeliness of the political groups in the European Parliament on Turkey between 1980-1996. The thesis consists of two main parts: in the first part the structure, and historical evoluation of the European Parliament has been analyzed. In the second part, the changes in Turkish politics between 1980-96, and the cohesiveness, and voting alliances of the political groups have been analyzed by using roll call vote data.

Journalists&rsquo / commitment to an objective, impartial, balanced way of reporting and their respect for ethical norms are considered a vital prerequisite for democracy to be carried out. The general purpose of this thesis is to reveal whether established journalistic practices in Turkey are shaped through commonly acknowledged professional principles in a way that is compatible with democratic expectancies. In order to achieve this goal, a group of journalists were interviewed in the summer of 2003 who worked as parliament journalists at some time in their careers. They were asked several questions mainly concerning the factors that might have influence on the processes of news making with a special emphasis on the negative consequences of the complex structure of media-politics relationships. The analysis of the interviews reveals Turkish journalists&rsquo / views that journalism in Turkey is faced with serious problems and even may be characterized by a high degree of &ldquo / degeneration&rdquo / .

This study is an evaluation of the function and the meaning of parliamentary spaces of the Turkish Republic, focusing on the parliamentary complex of the Turkish Grand National Assembly in the capital city of Ankara. Parliament buildings are symbols of the nation and the nation state, representing the national identity via expressional aspects of their functional space. The issue is of national prestige, security and power that remain in effect albeit adapting to changing situations in time. This study attempts to contribute to a better understanding of the spatial, stylistic as well as the urban characteristics of parliamentary spaces in Turkey by examining the earlier experiences in late Ottoman and early Republican periods, and by not only analyzing the establishment of the complex as designed by Holzmeister in the late 1930s, but also evaluating its enlargement as affected by the changing exigencies in contemporary political agendas after the Assembly had started to use the complex in the 1960s until today. The study examines the formation and the transformation of the Assembly complex in Turkey under the pressure of the highly dynamic political realities of the twentieth century, in order to reflect upon the continuities and discontinuities in functions and meanings of the parliamentary spaces throughout the process.

<p>This study aims at describing if discrepancies can be found between the rhetoric in Swedish political parties’ electoral campaigns to the European Parliament elections in 2004 and their representatives’ actual behavior in the European Parliament and to develop plausible explanations to these possible discrepancies. The research method that is being used is content analysis, aiming to answer four research questions regarding the electoral campaigns to the European Parliament elections in 2004 and the behavior by the parties’ representatives during the following term of office. The main findings are that some discrepancies can be found regarding which questions are raised most frequently in the electoral campaigns and in the European Parliament, but that no discrepancies can be found regarding the positions taken in questions in the electoral campaigns and in the European Parliament. The plausible explanations that are presented are that the parties raise certain questions in the campaigns with the purpose of maximizing the number of votes and then raise other questions in the European Parliament, that size of the party group matters and that the individuals representing the parties might effect the coherence between rhetoric and actual behavior.</p>