Magister Artium - MA / This study investigates the use of language and signage in and around Parliament of Botswana by drawing from Linguistic Landscapes (LL) found in the area. The main aim of this study is to explore the symbolic and functional values of signs and languages found in and around Parliament of Botswana. Its main objective is to analyse the visual language in display in and around Parliament looking at the visibility and clarity of language and information/ messages on the signage and to interpret the distribution and frequency of each one of the languages in signage. Secondly, considering that embassies, international companies, organizations and one of the oldest and busiest malls are within the vicinity of Parliament, the study explored whether their presence is captured in the LL.Following Gorter (2006), Shohamy and Gorter (2009) and Shohamy, Ben Rafael and Barni(2010), the data used was drawn from the different types of signs in and around parliament and its neighborhood and included signs with municipal and infrastructural discourses as well as commercial discourses. Using descriptive qualitative research and a thematic approach for data analysis, the study captures the distribution, function, composition and size, clarity of intended information or messages of language on multilingual and monophonic signs.The study gives an insight on the dominance of English against other Botswana languages in LL.In terms of language vitality, the linguistic landscape gives the incorrect picture as if English and Setswana are the only languages spoken in Botswana. Interestingly, Chinese is occasionally found in the linguistic landscape. The presence of Chinese in the shops near Parliament, I argue, is a ploy to attract people to ostensibly “cheap” products. The linguistic landscape shows the apparent contradiction in which even monuments of heroes and pictures of past “Dikgosi”(Chiefs) are constructed in English. The study further reveals even where Setswana is used it is always on bilingual signs and the quality of translation is sometimes poor. The study also suggests that most of the signage was constructed in English and then translated to Setswana. It is not surprising then that the information on the Setswana LL is not always as complete as one on English. In some cases, it says something quite unrelated to the intended message. The different signs and discourses analysed clearly show that people are aware of the signs that surround them and the marketing strategies employed. The signage revealed multiplicity and fusion of discourses with types ranging from low budget to the modern visual signs by individuals to established companies. Both the consumers and the authors are aware of the link between the LL and economics. For this reason, signage is placed where it is expected to achieve maximum visibility and for maximum consumer impact. It is not uncommon to find someone placing their LL on someone else’s, and “ambush” marketing is common place. The diversity of signs used in the study have illustrated and given an insight into the contrasting marketing strategies adopted not only by Batswana, but also by foreign investors, all vying for a piece of space in the Botswana landscape.

Magister Legum - LLM / The paper focuses on the role of the National Council of Provinces (NCOP) in the national legislative process. An enquiry into the relevance of the NCOP when processing bills during the Third Parliament has been critical when reviewing this role. The paper studied all the bills processed by Parliament with particular interest in the amendments proposed by the NCOP. The legislative framework in which the NCOP functions was critical to determine whether it enables this institution to adequately fulfill this role. The objective of this paper was to assess whether or not the NCOP fulfills its constitutional role of representing provincial interests in the national legislative process. The paper has uncovered the following regarding the NCOP’s role in the national legislative process. • The NCOP role varies according to the different pieces of legislation it is considering. This means that the manner in which it processes and passes ordinary bills affecting provinces will be different from the way it considers those bills not affecting provinces. • The NCOP has thorough consultative process on bills affecting provinces, compared to the superficial role it plays on bills not affecting provinces. More ordinary bills not affecting provinces have been processed by Parliament; however, the NCOP has proposed more amendments to the minority of bills affecting provinces. • The electoral system of South Africa has weakened the caliber of delegates in the NCOP. This has unintended consequences on the strength of the NCOP as an institution to abide by its decisions or to challenge the National Assembly when there are disagreements. • The NCOP may be misguided about its role at times and not strategically situated to focus on matters of provincial competence. x The paper argues that the NCOP remains relevant and has achieved its constitutional mandate of representing the interests of provinces. However, more work needs to be done to ascertain a common view of what constitutes provincial interests. Furthermore, the NCOP should confine its scope to matters of provincial competence. Thus the small number of delegates will be focused on the issues that reflect the core mandate of this institution.

Magister Artium (Development Studies) - MA(DVS) / The Constituency Development Fund (CDF) is a type of decentralised government funding that is supposed to deliver goods and services directly to constituents by providing additional funds for local community development, outside line ministries. It is predominantly a developing country policy that is intended to meet the immediate social needs of local communities. In countries where it is operational, CDF is appropriated by Parliament within a country’s national budget. CDF in Zambia was introduced in 1995 for the implementation of community based projects which would in the long term improve the socio-economic wellbeing of the constituents. The stated objective of the CDF in Zambia is to provide Members of Parliament and their constituent communities with the opportunity to make choices and implement (MPs) projects that maximise their welfare in line with their needs and preferences. However, questions have been raised over whether CDF actually represents efforts to spur local development and consequently national development, or whether it is primarily a political project aimed at benefitting MPs by providing them with the resources to help them gain popularity with the electorate. The study aims to assess the effectiveness of CDF as a tool for community development. This has been done through a case study of Katuba Constituency in the Central Province of Zambia, using qualitative research methods. The study seeks to gain insight into of the impact of CDF projects in relation to the goals espoused by the CDF as laid down in Zambia’s Guidelines for the Utilisation and Management of the Constituency Development Fund.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / The general aim of this study was to explore the extent to which the Grade 11 LO curriculum prepares learners for active citizenship in a democratic South Africa. The main research question that the study addresses is: To what extent does the Grade 11 LO curriculum prepare learners for active citizenship in a democratic South Africa? The main objective of the study is to explore the extent to which the Grade 11 LO curriculum prepares learners for active citizenship in a democracy in the South African context. Even though democratic structures and participation forms a small component of the broader topic of active citizenship in the Grade 11 LO curriculum, the study examines the public participation initiatives of Parliament, as a democratic structure with the intention to increase active citizenship in a democratic South Africa. The theoretical framework of this study considers Paulo Freire's educational theory in the context of critical theory and models of public participation in preparation for active citizenship. As such, the literature was used in order to come to an understanding of concepts relating to active citizenship in a democracy, the concepts, namely, "education for "public participation‟, "citizenship‟, "democracy‟, "inclusivity‟ and "human rights‟. The study adopted a mainly qualitative research approach to explore the extent to which the Grade 11 LO curriculum prepares learners for active citizenship in a democracy. In order to gain an in-depth understanding of learners' perceptions, a case study method was employed and data collection techniques included questionnaires and focus group interviews. The sample in this study comprised 461 Grade 12 learners, who completed the Grade 11 LO curriculum during 2012, and seven LO educators from five selected schools in Metro South Education District in the Western Cape. Even though the total number of participating educators was seven, four completed the questionnaires and four participated in the focus group interviews. The data collection process encompassed three phases. Phase one included a literature review and document study. Phase two included the administration of questionnaires and phase three included the facilitation of focus group interviews. Thematic and document analyses were applied in order to undertake a detailed examination of documents and interviews.

Doctor Legum - LLD / The 1996 South African Constitution contains a number of provisions that deal specifically with the protection of languages and of rights relating to language. The most important of these is section 6 which recognises 11 languages as official languages. This recognition is in line with recent developments in international law where common standards in relation to the protection of minority languages are in the process of being developed. The recognition of multilingualism as well as its implementation is thus becoming an obligation resting on all states, including South Africa. International law shows that persons belonging to linguistic minorities are entitled not only to protection against discrimination based on the language they speak, that is, formal equality, but also to positive state action in order to ensure their substantive equality. International law furthermore prescribes that where protection is given to minority languages, the principle of proportionality must guide states, and that legislation needs to be sufficiently detailed in bringing about such protection. The present thesis has as its main aims the interpretation of the provisions of the 1996 Constitution, in accordance with the above-mentioned international standards and the evaluation of the extent to which South African has complied with its constitutional obligations. The thesis in addition makes proposals in relation to what needs to be done to comply with such obligations. This is done in respect of the three levels of government - national, provincial and local - as well as the three state branches - the legislature, the executive and the judiciary. In addition, the implementation of the constitutional requirements in the educational sector is analysed.The thesis shows that a number of steps have thus far been taken in the process of giving effect to the relevant provisions of the Constitution. This includes the adoption of language policies on the national, provincial and local levels, as well as the enactment of language legislation in some provinces. In many provinces as well as municipalities, little effort has however been made to comply with these constitutional obligations. On the national level, much likewise still remains to be done in this regard. The current South African Languages Bill (2011) only caters for the activities of the national government, and does so in a way which conflicts with international norms. The Bill does not deal with parliament or the courts, and much uncertainty remains about the way in which the Constitution is to be given effect to in relation to these state branches. In relation to education, the issue of single-medium schools has been controversial, but has now been resolved by the Constitutional Court. Commendable policies have furthermore been adopted to provide for mother-tongue education, but it appears that English is slowly becoming the dominant language in education, at the expense of mother-tongue instruction.

The aim of this study was to gain an understanding of the legislative process in the South African Parliament, especially the processing of bills. The study was confined to bills processed by the Portfolio Committee on Trade and Industry which is within, and what is known as the Economic Cluster of portfolio committees of Parliament. The main problem was to determine whether the Parliament of the Republic of South Africa is efficiently and effectively managing the processing of the bills tabled before it. A sub-problem was to determine how it can be assured that the bills passed by Parliament are of the highest standard. A second sub-problem was to try to find a balance between private bills and those introduced by the various ministries. A third sub-problem was to determine the influence of the lobby groups have on the rocessing and passing of bills in the Parliament of the Republic of South Africa. The research methodology includes a literature review, a questionnaire survey, face-to-face interviews with parliament management and a comparative study. After analysing the data collected, conclusions were drawn and recommendations made. Although the research was not comprehensive, the results should assist the Parliament of the Republic of South Africa to improve the processing of bills, thereby improving the legislative process.

This thesis seeks to explain the phenomenon of party switching (or floor-crossing) in the understudied case of the Canadian House of Commons. It uses Müller and Strøm’s “Policy, Office or Votes?” framework at the individual level of analysis and a mixed methods approach that combines document analysis and econometrics to assess the effects of individual and institutional variables on the decision to switch parties. The results inform a wider discussion regarding individual political behavior as well as the role, influence and evolution of political parties in the Canadian state. The research demonstrates that the electorate is adept at recognizing opportunism and tends to respect MPs who switch parties on principle while punishing those that switch for more self-centered reasons.

The anti-episcopal drive which took place during the first fifteen months of the Long Parliament has long been ignored as a problem worth studying for its own merits. Usually the episcopal crisis of 1640-1642 is considered to be part of a larger crisis since the expulsion of the bishops from the House of Lords was a prelude to the English Revolution. Yet the anti-episcopal drive is of great interest and significance both in itself and in the fact that it was the first time in English history that a popular outcry changed the constitutional foundation of the English Government. It is difficult to isolate this subject from the many other political currents of which it is a part, but this study intends to do so as much as possible. However, the fact remains that in fifteen months, from 3 November, 1640 when the Long Parliament commenced, to 15 February, 1642 when the bishops were excluded from the Lords, a popular revolution had already taken place. There were four major areas in which the popular voice expressed itself in the period under discussion. There were anti-episcopal riots in London. Hundreds of petitions came to Parliament from all over the country demanding that the bishops be removed from their temporal jurisdictions. Anti-prelatical sentiment was spread by means of pamphlets during the great pamphlet war of 1641. In Parliament, the anti-episcopal leadership wedded their own cause of constitutional reform to the popular cause against the bishops. In the end, the combination of these four factors resulted in the successful passage of laws needed to deprive the episcopate of their constitutional right to sit in Parliament. The anti-episcopal drive of 1640-1642 had its roots in the popular antipathy towards the episcopal office. The bishops were deprived of their voice in Parliament because the English people wanted them removed from the Lords. The English Revolution had already begun. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

The Diploma Thesis is focused on the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic and its professionalization. The Thesis solves question about stable extent of the professionally experienced and professional politicians in Chamber of Deputies and its organs by using professionalization factors to the Czech Chamber of Deputies. Furthermore the thesis is focused on material processing and information security of deputies which are provided by the Chamber of Deputies to perform parliamentary duties professionally and full time.

It is well recognized that the 1993 election campaign catapulted the Reform party into the national political scene, but our understanding of how this was possible is quite limited. Drawing on the work in cognitive psychology on attitude change, the work on the news media coverage of elections, and the political science work on election campaigns, this thesis locates the impetus for Reform's success in the dynamic flow of information about the party that was available in television news broadcasts and voters' likelihood of being persuaded by that information. This link is developed by an analysis that makes use of a content analysis of the 1993 campaign, the 1993 Canadian Election Study, and a merged analysis of the election and news data. The Reform party began the campaign as a minor component of the news coverage of the election, but the news media coverage changed dramatically. Reform was provided with more news access than its support indicated it deserved and that coverage focused on what became a major theme of the election; the welfare state and the role of government. Coverage of Reform underwent a further change as it both decreased and focused on cultural issues during the last two weeks of the campaign. Using a two-mediator model of attitude change, the analysis shows that people who were predisposed to agree with Reform's anti-welfare state message and who were likely to be aware of the news information, changed both their perceptions of the party and increased their support for the party. Further support for the impact of the media is derived from the analysis of voter response to the second change in news coverage. The analysis suggests that campaigns do matter, but that the size of the impact is dependent upon the underlying uncertainty associated with the parties and candidates, and on the degree to which the information flow of the campaign changes. The information flow contributes to both learning and priming among people who receive and accept new information. While voters respond reasonably to new information, the outcome will depend on what information voters are given and what information actually reaches the habitually unaware segments of the population. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate