Cette thèse analyse la socialisation politique de 92,6% des eurodéputés polonais au Parlement européen pendant leur premier mandat entre 2004 et 2009. Son objectif est de comprendre ce processus en détail dans cette institution par définition, supranationale et pro-européenne - et donc de préciser concrètement quels acteurs politiques (première partie) se conforment à quoi, pourquoi, où, en combien de temps, comment, grâce à qui ou quoi (seconde partie) et jusqu’à quel point (troisième partie). L’étude montre que la socialisation politique pendant les cinq premières années n’est pas un processus très puissant car elle provoque seulement l’ajustement aux spécificités formelles et informelles de la vie quotidienne et, possiblement, l’approfondissement plus ou moins léger des attitudes et du comportement de base (dans un sens pro- ou anti- européen, en fonction de l’orientation). Autrement dit, elle transforme les novices en experts mais pas en natifs. Soit elle n’intervient que partiellement et il serait alors préférable de qualifier ce qui se passe réellement tout simplement d’intégration politique et non de socialisation politique soit elle nécessite plus de cinq ans, en commençant par l’acquisition des spécificités europarlementaires, puisque cette étape-ci prend déjà parfois même tout le mandat. / This thesis analyses the political socialization of 92.6% of the Polish Members of the European Parliament during their first mandate from 2004 to 2009. Its aim is to understand in full this process in this institution which is by definition supranational and pro-European and therefore to specify concretely which political actors (first part) comply with what, why, where, how long, how, thanks to whom or what (second part) and to what extent (third part). The study shows that political socialization in the first five years is not a very powerful process as it causes only the adjustment to everyday formal and informal specificities and, possibly, a more or less weak deepening of initial attitudes and behavior (in a pro or anti-European sense, according to the orientation). In other words, the process turns newcomers into experts without making them natives. It either occurs only in part, in which case it would be preferable to characterize what actually happens simply as political integration and not as political socialization, or it takes more than five years, starting with the acquisition of Euro-parliamentary specificities, as this stage sometimes already takes the whole mandate.

Les typologies de parlementaires occupent une place centrale dans les études parlementaires.Nous proposons une définition du concept de «style de représentation», centrée sur lescaractéristiques déclarées des parlementaires - permettant de traiter les caractéristiques des élusdans leur diversité en examinant le spectre le plus large possible d’activités représentatives - et desaisir la manière dont ces activités s’articulent entre le niveau local et le niveau national. Ceconcept nous permettra d’étudier empiriquement les liens entre les styles de représentation -dansnotre cas des sénateurs français-, leurs déterminants et leurs effets comportementaux et desurmonter ainsi le descriptivisme propre à beaucoup d'études mobilisant des types parlementaires.L'analyse de cinq styles de représentation des sénateurs français met en évidence que les stylesde représentation sont des réponses aux contraintes et ressources des parlementaires et qu’ilsaffectent de manière systématique le comportement des sénateurs. / Typologies of parliamentarians play a central role in the study of legislators and their behavior. Wepropose a narrow concept of styles of representation, focused on the expressed characteristics ofparliamentarians and taking into account the largest possible spectrum of representational activitiesincluding the local and the national arena of the mandate.This concept enables us to study empirically the links between styles of representations -in ourcase of French senators-, their determinants and behavioral effects and to overcome thedescriptiveness of many studies mobilizing typologies of parliamentarians.The analysis of five styles of representation of the French senators show, that these styles areanswers to the constraints and resources of the parliamentarians and that they affect the senators’behavior in a systematic manner.

Štinglová Kristýna Pupil at a primary school as a member of a pupils'parlament ABSTRACT The diploma thesis is focused on a primary school pupil in the pupil's parliament. The aim of the work is to find examples of inspiring practice for involving students from the 1st grade in the student parliament. In the theoretical part, at the beginning I deal with the basic concepts that accompany the whole thesis. Then I discuss the topic of democracy in schools, its basic principles and conditions that the school must meet. I mention CEDU, which helps primary schools build democracy. The work is further focused on the developmental character of the 1st grade pupil (it is early school age and middle school age) in terms of social and emotional development. The work also slightly affects the rights of the child at school. Finally, I analyze in detail the parliamentary parliament in Czech schools and abroad, more specifically in Germany, Great Britain and Denmark. The practical part is divided according to research methods into three parts. There is a semi- structured interview with the coordinator of the student parliament, indirect observation of the student parliament meeting in the distance form of study and has my own experience with the student parliament at the time when I was studying at primary school. At the...

Regional political parties and the European Union: Case study of Spain Abstract The diploma thesis "Regional political parties and the European Union: Case study of Spain" focuses on the area of the regional parties on the stage of the European Parliament, a subject which has not been analysed thoroughly in the past. Special emphasis is placed on the analysis of this phenomenon on the case of the Spanish historical regions (Catalonia, Basque Country, Galicia) which are a recognizable proof of the remarkable institutional strengthening in the framework of a regionalized unitary state. The methodology of triangulation was used for the analysis of this issue as the data of the diverse type (i.e. electoral results, party's material etc.) have been put together through different methods (as a qualitative and quantitative content analysis, deductive and comparative approaches) with the aim to reveal the complete character of the issue and to reach the objective results as possible. The study focuses on the analysis of the regional parties on the European level through their cooperation in the European federations of the political parties as well as the framework of the political groups in the European Parliament. The emphasis is also placed on the analysis of the own work of the members of the European Parliament...

Migration is a phenomenon which has strong impact on the Czech Republic. The Czech Republic is currently under transformation from transit country to immigration country. At the present time the situation is even more complicated because of the migrant crises which impact all of us. I suppose that the Members of Parliament will create social constructions or narratives about migrants during the sitting of parliament. I aim to identify social constructions of migrants that are created by the Czech political parties represented in the Chamber of Deputies since the 2013 election. I will divide social construction into two main groups. Ones belong to migrants and the other ones to refugees. I would like to find out if there are more positive or negative social constructions and how are benefits and punishments distributed to these groups. I would like to discover key narratives of particular political negotiation as well. Theoretical background of this thesis is the social construction of target population theory of Anne Schneider and Helen Ingram. In the manner of Lina Newton's article "It is not a question of being anti-immigrant: Categories of deservedness in immigration policy making", I will use a combination of discursive and narrative analysis as the main method. I will analyse statements and...

Les choix politiques et idéologiques des gouvernements conservateurs britanniques de Thatcher et Major ont longtemps rendu le Parti conservateur écossais impopulaire auprès des électeurs écossais. Néanmoins, le Parti conservateur écossais a remarquablement amélioré ses résultats électoraux lors des élections écossaises de 2016 et britanniques de 2017. Ce mémoire, divisé en deux chapitres avec leur propre question de recherche, évalue si les meilleurs résultats du Parti conservateur écossais sont expliqués par différents facteurs liés aux principaux clivages idéologiques identifiés dans la littérature, soit les clivages économique, culturel et centre-périphérie. Le premier chapitre évalue quels clivages idéologiques a eu le plus d’effet sur le vote conservateur en Écosse et au Royaume-Uni, aux élections de 2017 avec les données de panel du British Election Study de 2014 à 2017. Les analyses montrent que plus un électeur est à droite économiquement, plus la probabilité qu’il vote pour le Parti conservateur au Royaume-Uni et en Écosse est forte. Ils démontrent également que la probabilité de voter conservateur est la même au Royaume-Uni comme en Écosse en fonction du positionnement des électeurs sur les trois clivages idéologiques. Le deuxième chapitre évalue si les récents résultats électoraux du Parti conservateur écossais ne sont pas dus à son éloignement idéologique du Parti conservateur britannique de 2012 à 2019. Avec les données du Scottish Attitude Survey de 2012 à 2015, du British Attitude Survey de 2012 à 2017, du panel du British Election Study de 2014 à 2019 et de textes parlementaires de politiciens conservateurs britanniques et écossais de 2012 à 2019, les analyses montrent que les partis conservateurs écossais et britannique ne se sont pas éloignés idéologiquement. Les analyses montrent en général que la remontée du Parti conservateur écossais n’est pas due à son éloignement idéologique du Parti conservateur britannique. / The political and ideological decisions of the British Conservative Party under Thatcher and Major leadership have long made the Scottish Conservative Party unpopular with Scottish voters. Nevertheless, the Scottish Conservative Party has remarkably improved its election results at the 2016 Scottish election and the 2017 British election. This memory thesis, divided into two distinct chapters, assesses whether the Scottish Conservative Party last electoral results can be explained by different factors related to the economic, cultural, and centre-periphery ideological cleavages. The first chapter assesses which of the three ideological cleavages had the most important effect on the conservative vote in Scotland and the UK, at the 2017 election using panel data from the 2014-2017 British Election Study. The results show that the more a voter is on the right economically, higher is the probability that he voted for the Conservative Party in the UK and Scotland. The results also show that the likelihood of voting Conservative is almost the same in the UK as in Scotland, depending on the voters’ position on the three ideological scales. The second chapter assesses whether the Scottish Conservative Party’s recent election results are not due to its ideological detachment from the British Conservative Party from 2012 to 2019. With data from the 2012-2015 Scottish Attitude Survey, from the 2012-2017 British Attitude Survey, from the 2014-2019 panel data from British Election Study and from parliamentary debate texts of British and Scottish conservative politicians from 2012 to 2019, the results show that the Scottish and British conservative parties have not moved ideologically apart. Overall, the results tend to show that the rise of the Scottish Conservative Party is not due to its ideological detachment from the British Conservative Party.

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Parlamento teisės ir valstybės valdymo institucijų magistro baigiamojo darbo tema aktuali ir nauja tuo, jog šiame darbe pateikiama Lietuvos konstitucionalistų dar nenagrinėta tema, apimanti lyginamuosius tiek Lietuvos Prezidento bei Parlamento statuso, įgaliojimų, tarpinstitucinių santykių, tiek užsienio valstybių (šiuo atveju pasirinktos JAV, Portugalija bei Latvija) Prezidentų ir Parlamentų statuso, įgaliojimų ir santykių aspektus. Magistro baigiamajame darbe iškelta problema – lyginamosios analizės, susijusios su Prezidento ir Parlamento santykių aspektais trūkumas bei turimos literatūros bazės fragmentiškumas. Šio magistro darbo objektas – Prezidento ir Parlamento santykiai dabartiniu laikotarpiu Lietuvoje bei pasirinktose užsienio šalyse – JAV, Latvijoje ir Portugalijoje, kurie atskleidžiami per šių valdžių turimus konstitucinius įgaliojimus, statusą, funkcijas. Darbe iškeltas tikslas – sistemiškai, remiantis lyginamąja analize, pateikti Prezidento ir Parlamento santykių aspektus Lietuvoje bei pasirinktose užsienio šalyse per šių valdžių turimus konstitucinius įgaliojimus bei statusą, pateikti probleminių sričių sprendimo alternatyvas. Šio tikslo siekiama keliais pagrindiniais uždaviniais: analizuojant Lietuvos bei atskirų šalių (JAV, Latvijos, Portugalijos) Prezidentų ir Parlamentų statuso, funkcijų, įgaliojimų bei tarpinstitucinių santykių konstitucinę reglamentaciją, praktiką, pateikiant panašumus bei skirtumus visose nagrinėtose šalyse. Darbe iškeltos dvi hipotezės:... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The subject of the parliamentary law and public governance institutions is relevant and new, because it was not analysed before in the scientifical publications of Lithuanian constitutionalists. This subject includes the comparative aspects not only of the constitutional status, powers and interinstitutional relations between the President and the Parliament of Lithuania but also foreign countries governmental relations, status and powers (USA, Latvia and Portugal). The problem, set out in this master thesis, is the lack of systematic comparative analysis, that is connected to the presidential and parliamental relations and the fragmentary scientifical basis on this topic. The object of this thesis is the relations between the actual President and Parliament in Lithuania and three chosen foreign countries (USA, Latvia and Portugal), also their constitutional status, powers and functions that stipulates the mentioned governmental relations. The purpose of this work is to reveal the main aspects and possible solutions of the problematical situations in the sphere of presidential and parliamential relations, constitutional status, powers in the governmental field in Lithuania, USA, Latvia and Portugal. The purpose is obtained while using these main tasks: analysing the theory and the practice of the status, powers, intergovernmental relations in Lithuania, USA, Latvia and Portugal, introducing the similarities and the differences among all the mentioned countries and their... [to full text]

The main question in this thesis is what kind of considerations political parties in the Swedish parliament have made between individual freedoms and state power in matters concerning information technology. Hence, it relates to a central and never ending debate about the proper relationship between the individual rights of citizens and protection of their personal integrity vis-à-vis state power and the interest of society in general, and in particular how this is affected by the rapid development of information technology. Four cases of legislative processes about information technology are analyzed. These cases concern parliamentary debates regarding the secrecy act (sekretesslagen) in 1980 (first debate), three debates concerning the personal data act (personuppgiftslagen) in 1998-99, three debates concerning the surveillance and crime prevention act (lag om hemlig rumsavlyssning & åtgärder för att förhindra vissa särskilt allvarliga brott med mera) in 2006-07 and three debates concerning the national defence radio establishment act (FRA & lag om signalspaning) in 2007-09. An analytical model is developed that includes two ideal types, individual freedom and state power, for the study and categorization of the parties and their positions in each debate. Thus, parties are categorized according to their proximity to the ideal types. The study illustrates that the majority of parties have a tendency to compromise between values constituting the two ideal types; they choose a so called hybrid position in between individual freedom and state power. The exception to this pattern is the Green Party and the Left Party that tend to choose a position close to individual freedom. Three hypotheses are tested. The first implies that parties tend to position themselves in-between the ideal type positions of individual freedom and state power (hybrid positions). This hypothesis gets strong support as hybrid positions are the most common outcome. The second hypothesis infers that a party has a tendency to support state power when in government, but individual freedom when in opposition. This hypothesis also gets empirical support, as parties, when in government, tend increasingly to support values related to state power, but support is somewhat weaker than for the first hypothesis. Finally, the third hypothesis implies that September 11 2001 was a critical moment in relation to how parties deal with values related to individual freedom and state power, i.e. parties were expected generally to be more disposed to support state power after than before September 11. This gets some support as most parties show this tendency. In parliamentary debates after September 11 the Social Democrats, the Moderate Party and the Liberal Party have been more disposed to position themselves close to the value of state power. On the other hand, the Green Party and the Left Party have not changed their positons. One reason could be that neither of these two parties were in government during the studied years

Using a cross-national perspective covering all free and partly free countries, this thesis addresses two questions: What factors are associated with levels of gender representation, ethnic group representation, and ideological representation? And what are the relationships between levels of gender, ethnic group, and ideological representation? Ideological representation regards policy positions in different issue domains, whilst gender and ethnic group representation are concerned with the inclusion of women and ethnic groups in parliament. The representation of ethnic groups is approached in a multivariate cross-national analysis for the first time. Cultural rather than institutional factors seem to be the best predictors for the different levels of gender representation and ethnic group representation. Cultural attitudes are measured with survey questions on attitudes to women as political leaders, and tolerance of marginalized groups in society. The thesis finds that on average quotas for women and ethnic groups are not associated with higher levels of representation, perhaps because of issues regarding how quotas are implemented. Broadly speaking, little effect of the electoral system on any form of representation could be observed. Looking at levels of ideological representation, in line with some recent studies, the thesis suggests that the electoral system is not associated with different levels of ideological representation. I show that this is the case across various policy domains. Furthermore, the thesis finds no evidence for a direct relationship between levels of gender representation and levels of ethnic group representation, but levels of gender representation may be associated with levels of left–right representation. The relationship between different forms of representation might be shaped by the salience of ideological domains and awareness of under-representation of ethnic minority groups. Overall, the thesis argues that cultural attitudes are central to understanding levels of political representation, a factor often neglected in the literature.