This thesis intends to demonstrate why commercial surrogacy is not morally justifiable. In order to display the implication of the aim, a normative argumentative method is applied. In the analysis, arguments, and possible counter-arguments of ethical issues of exploitation, commodification, individual freedom and estranged labor in context to surrogacy arrangements is outlined. To strengthen the content of the arguments presented the concept of exploitation, commodification together with the harm principle and the Marxian framework of estranged labor will act as the theoretical framework of the thesis. In the analysis, it is shown that global economic inequalities, and social structures of class and gender make the practice of surrogacy exploitative per se and that the surrogate becomes objectified as she as a person and her body is treated as a commodity. Based on these factors, it is concluded that surrogacy cannot be morally justified.

The concept freedom is frequently used in political discussions without awareness of the multiple meanings it potentially contains. In order to act on today’s climate challenge, freedom has come to play an essential role as something we either have to sacrifice or insist on protecting. However, freedom is an abstract concept and may involve different perceptions among people - also in politics. Using qualitative interviews, this study finds multiple notionsof freedom among Danish party members across the political parties. The party members are identified to subscribe to two main perceptions: individual freedom and collective freedom. The analysis shows that freedom is not purely divisible by Isiah Berlin’s categories where thestate either interferes or refrains from interference, but rather that state interference can align with each of the two main perceptions. Whilst some of the party members subscribe solely to individual freedom, the majority are found to switch depending on if the political issue involves economic freedom or not. By comparing the party members’ varying positions on the political issues; climate, freedom of religion, and tax and social benefits, with the standpoint of their parties, it points towards a correlation between the notion of freedom and the political position.The findings indicate that we do not need a new perception of freedom to achieve the green transition. Instead, we must utilise the existence of different perceptions of freedom and devise a solution where individual freedom can align with the green transition.

The main question in this thesis is what kind of considerations political parties in the Swedish parliament have made between individual freedoms and state power in matters concerning information technology. Hence, it relates to a central and never ending debate about the proper relationship between the individual rights of citizens and protection of their personal integrity vis-à-vis state power and the interest of society in general, and in particular how this is affected by the rapid development of information technology. Four cases of legislative processes about information technology are analyzed. These cases concern parliamentary debates regarding the secrecy act (sekretesslagen) in 1980 (first debate), three debates concerning the personal data act (personuppgiftslagen) in 1998-99, three debates concerning the surveillance and crime prevention act (lag om hemlig rumsavlyssning & åtgärder för att förhindra vissa särskilt allvarliga brott med mera) in 2006-07 and three debates concerning the national defence radio establishment act (FRA & lag om signalspaning) in 2007-09. An analytical model is developed that includes two ideal types, individual freedom and state power, for the study and categorization of the parties and their positions in each debate. Thus, parties are categorized according to their proximity to the ideal types. The study illustrates that the majority of parties have a tendency to compromise between values constituting the two ideal types; they choose a so called hybrid position in between individual freedom and state power. The exception to this pattern is the Green Party and the Left Party that tend to choose a position close to individual freedom. Three hypotheses are tested. The first implies that parties tend to position themselves in-between the ideal type positions of individual freedom and state power (hybrid positions). This hypothesis gets strong support as hybrid positions are the most common outcome. The second hypothesis infers that a party has a tendency to support state power when in government, but individual freedom when in opposition. This hypothesis also gets empirical support, as parties, when in government, tend increasingly to support values related to state power, but support is somewhat weaker than for the first hypothesis. Finally, the third hypothesis implies that September 11 2001 was a critical moment in relation to how parties deal with values related to individual freedom and state power, i.e. parties were expected generally to be more disposed to support state power after than before September 11. This gets some support as most parties show this tendency. In parliamentary debates after September 11 the Social Democrats, the Moderate Party and the Liberal Party have been more disposed to position themselves close to the value of state power. On the other hand, the Green Party and the Left Party have not changed their positons. One reason could be that neither of these two parties were in government during the studied years

Le déploiement de moyens visant à lutter contre la fraude fiscale menace les libertés fondamentales et individuelles des contribuables. En effet, le durcissement de la répression fiscale marque un pas vers l'interventionnisme étatique et semble légitimer la généralisation du soupçon à l'encontre de ces derniers. Le renforcement des prérogatives de contrôle fiscal et d'investigation confiées aux agents du fisc notamment par le recours aux pouvoirs de police judiciaire n'est pas exempt de dangers. Il conduit d'ailleurs à justifier des intrusions dans la vie privée des individus ainsi que de profondes atteintes au droit de propriété sur la base de simples présomptions de fraude fiscale. Les contribuables sont eux aussi exposés aux risques d'abus de pouvoir et de détournement de procédures mais manquent de recours pour combattre ces dérives. En tant qu'Administration publique, l'Administration fiscale, censée oeuvrer pour l'intérêt général dans le cadre de sa mission de récolte de l'impôt et de sanction des fraudeurs, bénéficie d'une présomption quasi « irréfragable » de loyauté lui conférant une responsabilité atténuée voir même une certaine immunité. En effet, rares sont les cas où la responsabilité pour faute de l'Administration fiscale est retenue par les juges. De surcroît, quand la machine judiciaire vient suppléer les carences de l'Administration fiscale, le respect du principe d'égalité des armes apparaît bien plus théorique que pratique. Les inspecteurs agissent de plus en plus sous la contrainte des objectifs de résultats et de rendement budgétaire, au détriment du respect des libertés individuelles et de la présomption de bonne foi des contribuables / The raise of means aiming to struggle against tax evasion threats fundamentals liberties for taxpayers. Indeed, the strengthening of tax repressive measures marks on more step in the state's intervention and seems to justify a generalisation of suspicion against taxpayers. Furthermore, the reinforcement in tax inspector's power mostly used through resort to judicial power isn't exempt from danger. It results in justifying violation of private life and illegal entry only based on presumption of tax fraud. Taxpayers are also exposed to tax authorities abuses and do not have necessary the means to face those abuses. As a public administration, tax authorities are supposed to work for general interest as defined in their mission to both collect taxes and sanction defrauders, but on the other hand they also benefit from an irrefragable presumption of fairness, which results in an attenuated liability. Indeed, rare are the case where the breach of duty from tax authorities is pushed forward by the judges. Moreover, when the judicial machine supplies the shortages of tax Authorities, the respect of equal weapon's principle seems more theoretic than efficient. Tax inspectors act more and more under pressure to get results and budgetary profits, to the detriment of individual freedom and presumption of sincerity. It's in this context that for years, tax authorities have been trying to change their image to present themselves as an administration of service, which main purpose is to encourage amicable settlement of tax litigation

<p>The first objective of this study is to show if diffusion of contraception in areas of traditional high fertility has gone through profound changes. Indeed, we would like to know if contraceptive behaviours have evolved because of new fertility perceptions and also because partners now have greater freedom to make choices in a relationship. The second objective of this study is not only to highlight the levels and trends of contraception and the factors influencing their use (government policies, role of family planning, etc.) in developing countries, but also to consider the population of unmet-needs of contraception. Indeed, the level of contraceptive use depends obviously on users, but also on non-users with no needs and non-users with unsatisfied needs. The understanding of this last category of females is essential to a more accurate estimation of contraception levels, and, therefore for the estimation of fertility levels. This study analyses the contraceptive use in several developing countries in Africa and highlights the unsatisfied needs of contraception, to understand why such needs exist. To do so, we shall analyse available demographic data for thirty-five African countries by using the available Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS), from the 1980&rsquo / s to 2000&rsquo / s considering the DHS I, DHS II, DHS III and DHS IV. This great variety of surveys, seventy-nine in total, permits one to compare levels of contraception and &ldquo / unmet-needs&rdquo / from country to country. The surveys also, make it possible to compare the evolution over time of specific countries or specific regions, and to subsequently comprehend the determining factors of contraceptive use or non-use.</p>

<p>The first objective of this study is to show if diffusion of contraception in areas of traditional high fertility has gone through profound changes. Indeed, we would like to know if contraceptive behaviours have evolved because of new fertility perceptions and also because partners now have greater freedom to make choices in a relationship. The second objective of this study is not only to highlight the levels and trends of contraception and the factors influencing their use (government policies, role of family planning, etc.) in developing countries, but also to consider the population of unmet-needs of contraception. Indeed, the level of contraceptive use depends obviously on users, but also on non-users with no needs and non-users with unsatisfied needs. The understanding of this last category of females is essential to a more accurate estimation of contraception levels, and, therefore for the estimation of fertility levels. This study analyses the contraceptive use in several developing countries in Africa and highlights the unsatisfied needs of contraception, to understand why such needs exist. To do so, we shall analyse available demographic data for thirty-five African countries by using the available Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS), from the 1980&rsquo / s to 2000&rsquo / s considering the DHS I, DHS II, DHS III and DHS IV. This great variety of surveys, seventy-nine in total, permits one to compare levels of contraception and &ldquo / unmet-needs&rdquo / from country to country. The surveys also, make it possible to compare the evolution over time of specific countries or specific regions, and to subsequently comprehend the determining factors of contraceptive use or non-use.</p>

O princípio do dano, assim como elaborado por John Stuart Mill em On Liberty, é tido como elemento fundamental à afirmação do liberalismo a partir do século XIX e seu desenvolvimento rumo ao século XX. Diante das nascentes democracias européias foi afirmado como um princípio absoluto de proteção à liberdade individual contra a imposição da moralidade pela opinião pública e pelo Estado. Mill partilhava o apreço de Tocqueville pela democracia sem deixar de temer a tirania das maiorias. Inicialmente, investiga-se o lugar do princípio do dano na filosofia política milliana e as fragilidades apontadas por seus críticos. Em um segundo momento, analisa-se sua influência na defesa das liberdades civis na Inglaterra da década de 1950, especificamente com a edição do Relatório Wolfenden que defendeu a descriminalização de práticas homossexuais, bem como o debate que se lhe seguiu sobre os limites do Direito protagonizado por H.L.A. Hart. Na última parte, o objeto do estudo é o princípio do dano agora inserido em uma doutrina liberal-perfeccionista, assim como formulada por Joseph Raz em A Moralidade da Liberdade. O objetivo final é revelar a existência de incoerências internas no princípio do dano, tanto em sua versão original como nas que lhe sucederam, de modo a impedir a fixação de uma espaço imune ao Direito e à imposição da moralidade. No entanto, visto da perspectiva adequada, o fracasso na elaboração de tal princípio deve ser relativizado, eis que no seu devir o princípio do dano serviu à reflexão acerca dos limites da coerção legítima, bem como ao aprimoramento de conceitos relevantes à filosofia política como moralismo legal, paternalismo e perfeccionismo jurídicos. / The harm principle, as elaborated by John Stuart Mill in On Liberty, is regarded as a key element to the assertion of liberalism from the 19th century and its development into the 20th century. Facing emerging European democracies it was stated as an absolute principle of individual freedom against the enforcement of morality by governments and public opinion. Mill, as well as Tocqueville, appreciate democracy but fear the "tyranny of the majority". Initially, we investigate the place of the Millian harm principle in his political philosophy and its weakness as pointed out by its critics. Then, we analyze harm principles influence on civil rights movement in Englands 1950s, notably in theWolfenden Reports debate between HLA Hart and Lord Patrick Devlin about the limits of the law. In the last section we face the liberal-perfectionism of Joseph Raz Morality of Freedom and his view about the harm principle. We argue as a final statement the existence of harm principles internal inconsistencies, both in its original version and later ones, that disables it to be an adequate liberal response to the legal enforcement of morality. However its failures, harm principle seems to produce a deep and useful debate about the legitimacy of such fundamental concepts of philosophy of law as legal coercion, legal moralism, legal paternalism and perfectionism.

O princípio do dano, assim como elaborado por John Stuart Mill em On Liberty, é tido como elemento fundamental à afirmação do liberalismo a partir do século XIX e seu desenvolvimento rumo ao século XX. Diante das nascentes democracias européias foi afirmado como um princípio absoluto de proteção à liberdade individual contra a imposição da moralidade pela opinião pública e pelo Estado. Mill partilhava o apreço de Tocqueville pela democracia sem deixar de temer a tirania das maiorias. Inicialmente, investiga-se o lugar do princípio do dano na filosofia política milliana e as fragilidades apontadas por seus críticos. Em um segundo momento, analisa-se sua influência na defesa das liberdades civis na Inglaterra da década de 1950, especificamente com a edição do Relatório Wolfenden que defendeu a descriminalização de práticas homossexuais, bem como o debate que se lhe seguiu sobre os limites do Direito protagonizado por H.L.A. Hart. Na última parte, o objeto do estudo é o princípio do dano agora inserido em uma doutrina liberal-perfeccionista, assim como formulada por Joseph Raz em A Moralidade da Liberdade. O objetivo final é revelar a existência de incoerências internas no princípio do dano, tanto em sua versão original como nas que lhe sucederam, de modo a impedir a fixação de uma espaço imune ao Direito e à imposição da moralidade. No entanto, visto da perspectiva adequada, o fracasso na elaboração de tal princípio deve ser relativizado, eis que no seu devir o princípio do dano serviu à reflexão acerca dos limites da coerção legítima, bem como ao aprimoramento de conceitos relevantes à filosofia política como moralismo legal, paternalismo e perfeccionismo jurídicos. / The harm principle, as elaborated by John Stuart Mill in On Liberty, is regarded as a key element to the assertion of liberalism from the 19th century and its development into the 20th century. Facing emerging European democracies it was stated as an absolute principle of individual freedom against the enforcement of morality by governments and public opinion. Mill, as well as Tocqueville, appreciate democracy but fear the "tyranny of the majority". Initially, we investigate the place of the Millian harm principle in his political philosophy and its weakness as pointed out by its critics. Then, we analyze harm principles influence on civil rights movement in Englands 1950s, notably in theWolfenden Reports debate between HLA Hart and Lord Patrick Devlin about the limits of the law. In the last section we face the liberal-perfectionism of Joseph Raz Morality of Freedom and his view about the harm principle. We argue as a final statement the existence of harm principles internal inconsistencies, both in its original version and later ones, that disables it to be an adequate liberal response to the legal enforcement of morality. However its failures, harm principle seems to produce a deep and useful debate about the legitimacy of such fundamental concepts of philosophy of law as legal coercion, legal moralism, legal paternalism and perfectionism.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Solveig Fabienne Sonnenburg.pdf: 697122 bytes, checksum: 7ca32ae1ceb3532d1bbc0f9c3ac38375 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-08-26 / This study addresses the evolution of some institutions, realities of social coexistence, including citizenship and fundamental freedoms, lifted up as an constitutional ballast, as a precondition for human existence and social order. It examines the role of the state and its performance under administrative control specifically in the exercise of those freedoms, through the so-called police power. Thus, it begins with a historical perspective of citizenship, under various doctrinal issues. Following it approaches the assessment of citizenship in the Federal Constitution, specially in the fundamental rights, emphasyzing freedom and property, the specific objects of administrative restrictions. It develops the concept of state and its goals, discuss the government and their functions, among which is the police power. Next, the study deals with the evolution of the power of police, their main doctrinal characteristics and attributes, through critical analysis in its application and influence in society. Finally, we conclude the research identifying opportunities for participation of citizens in this zone still restricted entirely to the interference of the state as trustee. / Este estudo aborda a evolução de algumas instituições, realidades da convivência social, entre elas, a cidadania e as liberdades fundamentais, erigidas à condição de lastro constitucional, como condição primordial para a existência humana e ordem social. Analisa o papel do Estado e sua atuação no âmbito administrativo, especificamente na contenção do exercício de tais liberdades, através do denominado poder de polícia. Para tanto, inicia-se com uma perspectiva histórica da cidadania, sob variados aspectos doutrinários. A seguir, passa-se à avaliação da cidadania no contexto da Constituição Federal, adentrando nos direitos fundamentais, com ênfase à liberdade e propriedade, objetos específicos da limitação administrativa. Desenvolve-se o conceito de Estado e seus objetivos, discorrendo sobre a Administração Pública e suas respectivas funções, entre as quais se situa o poder de polícia. Na sequência, o estudo trata da evolução do poder de polícia, suas principais características doutrinárias e atributos, através de análise crítica quanto à sua aplicação e influência na sociedade. Por fim, conclui-se a pesquisa buscando identificar possibilidades de participação do cidadão nessa área até então, totalmente, restrita à ingerência do Estado, na qualidade de administrador.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / The first objective of this study is to show if diffusion of contraception in areas of traditional high fertility has gone through profound changes. Indeed, we would like to know if contraceptive behaviours have evolved because of new fertility perceptions and also because partners now have greater freedom to make choices in a relationship. The second objective of this study is not only to highlight the levels and trends of contraception and the factors influencing their use (government policies, role of family planning, etc.) in developing countries, but also to consider the population of unmet-needs of contraception. Indeed, the level of contraceptive use depends obviously on users, but also on non-users with no needs and non-users with unsatisfied needs. The understanding of this last category of females is essential to a more accurate estimation of contraception levels, and, therefore for the estimation of fertility levels. This study analyses the contraceptive use in several developing countries in Africa and highlights the unsatisfied needs of contraception, to understand why such needs exist. To do so, we shall analyse available demographic data for thirty-five African countries by using the available Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS), from the 1980's to 2000's considering the DHS I, DHS II, DHS III and DHS IV. This great variety of surveys, seventy-nine in total, permits one to compare levels of contraception and 'unmet-needs' from country to country. The surveys also, make it possible to compare the evolution over time of specific countries or specific regions, and to subsequently comprehend the determining factors of contraceptive use or non-use. / South Africa