Immunity in criminal law Abstract This thesis aims to offer the reader a view of the institution of parliamentary imunity as it relates to criminal law. This topic frequently divides both the experts in criminal law and also the general public. Despite the fact that most of the time this legal issue is talked about with respect to the constitutional law it has an impact on criminal law, both the substantive criminal law and the procedural criminal law. The complexity of this topic is self-evident and opinions vary greatly across the field, which is one of the reasons why this topic is sought out quite frequently by many students who approach it from various angles. The work is structured in a way to familiarise the reader with the necessary knowledge even if the reader is not an expert in law, but who is, for example, interested in the topic from a political perspective. The thesis covers the basic introduction to the topic, historical evolution of the institution including the legal transformations all the way up to the date this work has been finalised, squaring this institute with the basic principles of democratic state and a comparative analysis of this institute in other European countries. Important part of this thesis is dealing with specific uses of the parliamentary imunity. The conclusion of this...

Are there any consequences of using sports diplomacy? This thesis will look into sports diplomacy in the recent FIFA 2018 and 2022 cases from the lens of the European Parliament. Large sporting events have grown into an international phenomenon, that has been studied from the premises of power. As critique did rise from the cases of FIFA 2018 and 2022, my approach is to analyse the consequence of failed sports diplomacy, how using soft power tactics play in the international political field and how sports play a part in politics. This thesis will use discourse analysis to find the key reasons for EP’s dissatisfaction with FIFA 2018 and 2022.

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This study assesses the quality of national budget institutions and legislative budgetary power in the Euro Area (EA) and examines their implications on fiscal discipline. Following the sovereign debt crises, common EA requirements have been introduced for national budget institutions, most notably for fiscal rules and independent fiscal councils. Meanwhile, the legislature has a key role to ensure that budgetary decisions are democratically legitimate, but strong legislative budgetary power is generally associated with less fiscal restraint. Two comprehensive composite indices are produced, based on recent data which captures reforms implemented after the Crisis. The findings show that overall, budget institutions in the EA are of medium quality, whilst legislative budgetary power is weak. Notwithstanding the thrust for a ‘one-size-fits-all’ approach, the specific characteristics of budget institutions differ considerably among the EA countries. Furthermore, results from a two-way fixed effects panel model for 2006-2015 show a positive relationship between the quality of budget institutions and the budget balance, but, in contrast to previous studies, the effect is rather weak. Being supra-nationally mandated, recent reforms to budget institutions in EA member states may suffer from a lack of ownership, thus impinging on their effectiveness to instil fiscal discipline. A qualitative case study on Malta provides further insight into the limitations of centrally-mandated institutional reforms. Finally, the findings suggest that stronger legislative budgetary power does not necessarily jeopardise fiscal discipline, if this involves a broad role of the legislature in the budgetary process, beyond amendment powers.

This study examines the parliamentary debate regarding the proposition "Ny kärnkraft i Sverige - Ett första steg" which aims to facilitate the expansion of nuclear power in Sweden. The purpose is to provide an understanding of the nuclear power debate in the Swedish Parliament since it has been revived by the energy crisis in 2021 and Russia's invasion of Ukraine. The debate is analyzed through a qualitative content analysis to identify the arguments of Tidöpartierna and the opposition for and against the proposition. The identified arguments are then interpreted through the social identity perspective to explain their different standpoints. The results show that nuclear power is a divisive issue in the Swedish Parliament. Interpretation through social identity theory reveals that the parties' historical positions, their perception of which arguments are most effective to attract voters, and confirmation bias influence their views on the nuclear power issue. The conclusions indicate that it is an issue that divides the Parliament into two sides: Tidöpartierna and the opposition parties, with each side presenting different solutions to the energy issue. Tidöpartierna argues for an energysystem where nuclear power complements renewable energy sources, while the oppositionparties favor a solution where the energy system is solely based on renewable energy sources.

An appreciation for the satire inherent in Aristophanes' Greek comedies Lysistrata, Women in Parliament and Women Celebrating the Thesmophoria is integral to understanding its ironic impact on modem day feminist movements. Using political events in the 21 st century, we can see how Aristophanes' mockery of the agency of women outside of the oikos, or the domestic space, has been challenged and defeated. I will support my ideas using the plethora of scholarly research I have consulted during my exploration of the works of Aristophanes. This research includes articles and books from authors such as David Cohen, Martine De Marre, Helene Foley, David Halperin, Froma I. Zeitlin and Gonda Van Steen. Furthermore, I will identify instances in Aristophanes' plays where his ridicule is most evident.

Thesis (MPA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: A high employee turnover rate, where talented employees leave the institution to join other legislatures and government departments, has been experienced by the Language Services Section (LSS) of Parliament SA which is part of the Legislative and Oversight Division (LOD). This thesis evaluates why talented employees leave the LSS and explores possible retention strategies to retain talented employees. This was firstly done by reviewing literature on the concept of employee turnover. Secondly, the study evaluated possible factors that impact on employee turnover. Thirdly, the legislative environment of employee turnover within the South African context was discussed. Furthermore, the causes of employee turnover in the LSS of Parliament SA were assessed. Lastly, recommendations were made on how to retain employees in the LSS of Parliament South Africa. The research design used to conduct the study is a qualitative case study. Unstructured interviews, a survey questionnaire and documentation were used for this study. Deductions were made by comparing the theory from the literature review with the practice in LSS in order to gain a better understanding of why talented employees leave the institution and what retention strategies can be implemented to retain them. This study presents various reasons why employees are leaving the institution. These reasons include non-competitive salaries, ineffective recruitment and selection processes, inadequate training, a lack of career pathing and the fact that many language practitioners (LPs) reside in provinces other than the Western Cape. Many of these reasons were identified previously through an LOD Retention Strategy Project but strategies to address problems were not implemented due to the lack of a people-centred approach to talent management. Recommendations were made that retention strategies should be implemented and that more emphasis should be placed on human resources and the development of people in order to reach the core objectives of parliament through happy and well-developed employees. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: ’n Hoë omsetkoers van werknemers waar talentvolle werknemers die instelling verlaat om by ander wetgewers en staatsdepartemente aan te sluit, is deur die Afdeling Taaldienste van die Parlement van Suid-Afrika, wat deel vorm van die Wetgewing en Oorsig Afdeling, ervaar. Hierdie tesis evalueer die redes waarom talentvolle werknemers die Afdeling Taaldienste verlaat en verken moontlike retensiestrategieë om talentvolle werknemers te behou. Eerstens is literatuur oor die konsep van werknemersomset hersien. Tweedens het die studie moontlike faktore wat werknemersomset beïnvloed, evalueer. Derdens is die wetgewende omgewing van werknemersomset binne die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks, bespreek. Verder was die oorsake van werknemersomset binne die Afdeling Taaldienste van Suid-Afrika, geassesseer. Laastens is aanbevelings gemaak oor hoe om werknemers in die Afdeling Taaldienste van die Parlement van Suid-Afrika te behou. Die navorsingsontwerp wat vir die uitvoer van die ondersoek gebruik is, is ’n kwalitatiewe gevallestudie. Ongestruktureerde onderhoude, ’n opnamevraelys en dokumentasie is vir die studie gebruik. Afleidings is gemaak deur die teorie van die literatuuroorsig met die praktyk in die Afdeling Taaldienste van die Parlement van Suid-Afrika te vergelyk om ’n beter begrip te kry van waarom talentvolle werknemers die instelling verlaat en watter retensiestrategieë in werking gestel kan word om hulle te behou. Die studie verskaf verskeie redes waarom werknemers die instelling verlaat. Hierdie redes sluit in nie-mededingende salarisse, ondoeltreffende werwings- en seleksiesprosesse, onvoldoende opleiding, ’n gebrek aan loopbaanbeplanning en die feit dat talle taalpraktisyns in ander provinsies as die Wes-Kaap woon. Baie van hierdie redes is voorheen deur ’n Wetgewing en Oorsig Afdeling Retensiestrategieprojek geïdentifiseer, maar strategieë om die probleme aan te spreek is nie geïmplementeer nie as gevolg van die gebrek aan ’n mens-gesentreerde benadering tot talentbestuur. Aanbevelings is gemaak dat die retensiestrategieë geïmplementeer word en ’n groter klem op menslike hulpbronne en die ontwikkeling van mense geplaas word sodat die kerndoelwitte van die Parlement deur gelukkige en goedontwikkelde mense behaal kan word.

Cette thèse analyse la socialisation politique de 92,6% des eurodéputés polonais au Parlement européen pendant leur premier mandat entre 2004 et 2009. Son objectif est de comprendre ce processus en détail dans cette institution par définition, supranationale et pro-européenne - et donc de préciser concrètement quels acteurs politiques (première partie) se conforment à quoi, pourquoi, où, en combien de temps, comment, grâce à qui ou quoi (seconde partie) et jusqu’à quel point (troisième partie). L’étude montre que la socialisation politique pendant les cinq premières années n’est pas un processus très puissant car elle provoque seulement l’ajustement aux spécificités formelles et informelles de la vie quotidienne et, possiblement, l’approfondissement plus ou moins léger des attitudes et du comportement de base (dans un sens pro- ou anti- européen, en fonction de l’orientation). Autrement dit, elle transforme les novices en experts mais pas en natifs. Soit elle n’intervient que partiellement et il serait alors préférable de qualifier ce qui se passe réellement tout simplement d’intégration politique et non de socialisation politique soit elle nécessite plus de cinq ans, en commençant par l’acquisition des spécificités europarlementaires, puisque cette étape-ci prend déjà parfois même tout le mandat. / This thesis analyses the political socialization of 92.6% of the Polish Members of the European Parliament during their first mandate from 2004 to 2009. Its aim is to understand in full this process in this institution which is by definition supranational and pro-European and therefore to specify concretely which political actors (first part) comply with what, why, where, how long, how, thanks to whom or what (second part) and to what extent (third part). The study shows that political socialization in the first five years is not a very powerful process as it causes only the adjustment to everyday formal and informal specificities and, possibly, a more or less weak deepening of initial attitudes and behavior (in a pro or anti-European sense, according to the orientation). In other words, the process turns newcomers into experts without making them natives. It either occurs only in part, in which case it would be preferable to characterize what actually happens simply as political integration and not as political socialization, or it takes more than five years, starting with the acquisition of Euro-parliamentary specificities, as this stage sometimes already takes the whole mandate.