This thesis examines speeches made by Irish members of the British House of Commons concerning the Government of Ireland Bill (1912). The most significant source use was the Parliamentary Debates of the House of Commons, 1912 to 1914. The organization of the Irish political parties is outlined in Chapter One. The next two chapters deal with their view of Irish history during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The fourth chapter focuses upon the bill in committee, and the fifth chapter examines the more general debate on the bill. The conclusions of the final chapter suggest that advocates of the bill were motivated by Irish nationalism, while opponents were motivated by economic ties to Great Britain.

Les historiens ont souvent interprété les relations entre le Parlement et la monarchie comme un combat qui devait amener à la Révolution. Par orgueil et égoïsme, le Parlement avait tenté de s’arroger les prérogatives royales. La réalité était bien plus complexe. Le Parlement n’était pas le bourreau de la monarchie. Il avait toujours cherché à l’aider dans ses choix, en lui montrant la voie qu’il trouvait la plus sage, au vu des circonstances et des enseignements du droit et de l’histoire. L’étude institutionnelle des rouages de la cour, la mise en perspective des revenus des conseillers à travers les épices et l’analyse de la recherche d’une justification de sa fonction à travers l’histoire, montrent le rôle de la cour dans l’évolution du XVIIIe siècle. / The fight between the crown and the Parlement of Paris has been seen as the origins of the French Revolution. The Parlement was guilty of trying to usurp the power of the King. In fact, the comprehension of the XVIIIth Century is more problematic because the Parlement of Paris had never been the executioner of the monarchy. The judges had tried to help the King in the making of the laws. The institutional study of the mechanisms of the Parlement, the analysis of the fees of the judges and of the theoretical justifications of the Parlement show the real place of the court in the evolution of the century.

This thesis analyze institutional and political circumstances, which allowed and influenced the Scottich referendum of independence in september 2014. It discribes political development and situation in Scottich Parliament and Government from the creation of devolution to 2014. As a metodological tools this thesis use theories of Institutionalism, Multi - level governance and performance politics. It focuses on the pre-referendum debate as well. Main sources are official reports of departments of Her Majesty Government and White paper of Scottish Goverment for the referenda, both are combined with reports from BBC. It shows limitations and extentions of institutional influence and reach towards independence. Key words: Great Britain, Scottish Parliament, Scottish Government, SNP, Alex Salmond, referendum,BBC

In the tumultuous political climate following Brexit, a new energy has been given to the idea of establishing transnational lists for the European elections. With the ever-increasing need for democratic legitimacy on the EU stage, the system of transnational lists is viewed by many as a salvation to the problem with democratic deficit within the European Union. The idea of transnational lists was voted in the European Parliament during the plenary session in Strasbourg on February 2018 but rejected after a debate on a clearly divided issue. By analysing the debate from 2018, this study aims to investigate what are the conditions, found in the debate, that could make transnational lists in the European Parliament possible.  When analysing the debate from 2018, five significant conditions for transnational lists were identified. These conditions were democracy, question of federal states, the aspect of spitzenkandidaten, solidarity and the size of Member States. Interestingly, the conditions were observed to be both obstacles and possibilities for transnational lists. Taken together, these results suggest that there is an association between the above-named conditions and the failure of the proposition for transnational lists, alternatively, to a future breakthrough.

Este trabalho apresenta uma discussão acerca do acesso à informação nos marcos do Poder Legislativo, com o objetivo de analisar a interação da população da cidade de São Paulo com o direito de acesso à informação, tendo como estudo de caso a Ouvidoria da Câmara Municipal de São Paulo. Utiliza como método o Materialismo Histórico-Dialético e metodologias variadas, sendo elas: a pesquisa bibliográfica, a análise documental e o estudo de caso. No primeiro capítulo apresenta uma discussão teórica sobre a relação Estado e sociedade civil, com base nas ideias de autores que contribuíram para a formulação do Estado Moderno e os ideais liberais. O segundo capítulo busca posicionar a discussão do acesso à informação pública como um direito humano, apresentando a evolução deste conceito ao longo dos anos. Já no capítulo três busca-se analisar a legislação brasileira e os marcos legais produzidos no âmbito do parlamento paulistano, para verificar seu alinhamento com os princípios de um regime de acesso à informação. O capítulo quarto é dedicado a verificar a atenção aos princípios da transparência passiva no âmbito do poder legislativo do município de São Paulo, analisando o banco protocolos de acesso à informação da Câmara Municipal de São Paulo, no período de 2015 a 2017, para verificar como se dá a interação entre o poder público e a sociedade civil nos marcos da LAI. Por fim, as considerações finais pontuam questões identificadas ao longo da pesquisa e apresentam sugestões que possam dialogar com estes desafios / This paper presents a discussion about the access to information within the framework of the Legislature, aiming to analyze the interaction between the population of the city of São Paulo and the right of access to information, having as its case study the Ombudsman\'s Office of São Paulo. This paper uses the Historical-Dialectical Materialism method and other methodologies, as: bibliographical research, documentary analysis and the case study. The first chapter introduces a theoretical discussion of the relation between the State and the Civil Society, based on the ideas of authors who contributed to the formulation of the Modern State and the liberal ideals. The second chapter seeks to place the discussion of access to public information as a human right, presenting the evolution of this concept over the years. In chapter three, the aim is to analyze the Brazilian legislation and the legal frameworks produced within the scope of São Paulo City Council to verify its alignment with the principles of an access to information regime. The fourth chapter is dedicated to verify the attention to the principles of passive transparency in the scope of the legislative power of the city of São Paulo, analyzing the bank protocols of access to information of the São Paulo City Council, from 2015 to 2017, to verify how there is the interaction between the public power and civil society in the framework of Information Access Act. Lastly, the final considerations point out issues identified throughout the research and present suggestions that can dialogue with these challenges

En 1790, les autorités locales pensaient que la période révolutionnaire sonnait le glas des villes de parlement. Supprimer les institutions d'Ancien Régime et les ordres religieux qui marquaient les espaces et les sociétés de ces neuf capitales régionales depuis des dizaines voire des centaines d'années signifiait ôter tout rayonnement à ces villes quasiment dépourvues d'industrie ou de commerce de grande ampleur. Paradoxalement, à la fin du premier tiers du XIXe siècle, Besançon, Dijon, Douai, Grenoble, Metz, Pau, Rennes et Toulouse étaient plus peuplées et plus étendues qu'en 1789. Seule Aix-en-Provence ne parvenait pas encore à se remettre de la crise révolutionnaire. De nouvelles fonctions, essentiellement militaires, avaient alors pris la place des magistrats et des hommes d'Eglise. En quelques dizaines d'années, les villes de parlement avaient été complètement redéfinies. Comprendre les conséquences de la suppression des anciens principes structurants des espaces urbains ainsi que celles de la mise en place de nouvelles fonctions urbaines implique d'analyser les espaces urbains du passé à l'aide de problématiques de géographe, donc d'avoir recours à une démarche géo-historique. Celle-ci a particulièrement été appliquée au cas de Toulouse à l'aide du Système d'Information Géographique (S.I.G.) de la ville : Urban-Hist. Cet outil a permis d'analyser l'ensemble des mutations urbaines de l'époque à l'échelle de la parcelle avant de chercher à savoir si les phénomènes alors observés ne concernaient que l'ancienne capitale de Languedoc ou s'il est possible de dégager un modèle de l'évolution des villes parlementaires avant, pendant, et après la Révolution. / In 1790, Toulouse authorities thought that when the French Revolution had suppressed all the Parliaments in the kingdom, they had also destroyed the parliamentary cities. Indeed, there were almost no industrial, commercial or other important economic activities in these administrative and judicial centers. Despite these suppressions, Besançon, Dijon, Douai, Grenoble, Metz, Pau, Rennes and Toulouse were already larger and more populous at the end of the first third of the 19th Century than they were in 1789. Aix-en-Provence was the only one which still suffered from the revolutionary crisis. Some new urban functions took the place of the magistrates and the churchmen. It took only a few decades to redefine the former parliamentary cities. In order to understand this phenomenon and its consequences on the urban spaces of the past we will use some geographical perspectives: we will use a geo-historical method. We will mainly focus on the case of Toulouse thanks to the Geographical Information System (G.I.S.) of this town: Urban-Hist. This tool provides much useful information which can help us understand the changes in the former capital of Languedoc. Were these changes specific to Toulouse or were they representative of the group of continental parliamentary cities before, during and after the French Revolution?

"Populisme", "abstentionnisme", "rupture de confiance", "défiance des politiques", "médiacratie", "affaiblissement de l’État", "perte de contenu de la citoyenneté", la liste n’est pas close. Tous ces phénomènes sont parfois ramenés sous le mot commode de crise ; crise de la représentation, crise de la démocratie, crise du politique. Phénomènes complexes et multiformes qui peuvent être saisis, dans de multiples lieux et par des disciplines diverses. Cette recherche part d’abord d’une situation, celle de l’Argentine contemporaine. Connaissant, depuis 1983, une période de relative stabilité politique répondant aux critères basiques du "régime démocratique" elle a connu un moment critique sur les plans politique, économique et social en 2001. Cet événement a été marqué par un profond rejet de la classe politique exprimé dans la consigne "que se vayan todos" [qu’ils s’en aillent tous] scandée dans les manifestations. Si à l’époque les assemblées de quartier, les "usines récupérées", les réseaux de troc, les organisations de chômeurs ont attiré l’attention pour ce qu’elles portaient de rupture avec le passé, apparaissant comme des lieux de réinvention du politique, il a été très vite évident que les "vieilles" institutions politiques seraient les vraies actrices du "retour à la normale". Le chercheur choisit alors un point d’entrée ; ce sera le Parlement. Considérant cette institution comme une sorte de négatif que viendraient impressionner les changements de la société. Sur la photo, nous percevons la réalité, mais selon la mise au point, la quantité de lumière, le cadre choisi, la photo est avant tout une des représentations possibles de la réalité. Dès lors, il s’agit moins de s’intéresser à l’institution qu’à la pratique représentative, c’est-à-dire à l’activité des représentant(e)s et au Parlement comme "espace public". S’intéresser d’abord à la représentation en train de se faire, à ce qui se construit entre "un dedans" de l’institution et "un dehors" de la société parce que la représentation est, avant tout, coupure entre le représentant et le représenté. Lorsque les représenté(e)s s’agitent et s’organisent, cela perturbe la pratique représentative plus habituée à figurer les absent(e)s. Le gouvernement représentatif est pris dans une contradiction ; entre désertion des urnes et surinvestissement de la sphère publique ; désintéressement et interruption ; entre logique de la police et démocratie. Fondée sur une recherche en sociologie, cette thèse s’attache, dans un domaine habituellement réservé à la science politique, à comprendre la représentation politique comme une pratique sociale. / “Populism”, “abstaining”, “loss of trust”, “mistrust of politicians”, “mediacracy”, “weakening of the State”, “shallow citizenship” – and the list goes on. Such phenomena are sometimes mistakenly defined by the useful term of “crisis” – crisis of representation, crisis of democracy, crisis of the political institution – but they are complex, many-sided phenomena which can be analyzed through a variety of geographical places and subjects. The starting-point of this research is a situation – that of present-day Argentina. The country, which had known a period of relative political stability since 1983 (reflecting the basic rules of a “democratic regime”) experienced a critical phase in 2001 on a political, social and economic level. This event showed a deep rejection of the political community as expressed through the motto “que se vayan todos” (may they all go away) chanted in demonstrations. Special attention was then paid to neighborhood gatherings, recovered factories”, barter networks, and organizations of unemployed workers, because they represented a rupture with the past and appeared as places reinventing politics – but it also soon became clear that the “old” political institutions would be the actual means to “get back to normal”. The researcher then picks one angle of approach – the Parliament. This institution will be viewed as a sort of negative exposed to the changes of society. On the snapshot, reality is perceived, but as the focusing, the amount of light or the frame vary, such snapshot is only one possible representation of reality. The focus will thus be less on the institution than on the practice of representation – i.e. on the activity of the ones representing and on the Parliament seen as a “public space”. What is mainly highlighted is the action of representation itself – what is being built between the “inside” of the institution and the “outside” of society, because representation is above all a rupture between those representing and those being represented. When the represented show their presence and get organized, the practice of representation is disrupted. The representative government faces a contradiction – between voting disinvestment and overexposure in the public sphere, between lack of interest and interruption, between the logic of the police and democracy. The research carried out in this dissertation is sociology-based, even though its topic traditionally belongs to the field of political science, and intends to understand political representation as a social practice. / «Populismo», «abstencionismo», «quiebra de confianza», «desconfianza de los políticos», «mediacracia», «debilitamiento del Estado», «vaciamiento de la ciudadanía», la lista continúa. Todos estos fenómenos se reúnen a veces bajo el cómodo rótulo de crisis; crisis de la representación, crisis de la democracia, crisis de lo político. Fenómenos complejos y multiformes que pueden ser aprehendidos en múltiples lugares y por diferentes disciplinas. Esta investigación toma como punto de partida una situación, la de la Argentina contemporánea. Transcurriendo, desde 1983, un período de estabilidad política relativa según los criterios básicos del «régimen democrático», vivió un momento crítico en los planos político, económico y social en 2001. Este suceso se caracterizó por un profundo rechazo de la clase política expresado en la consigna «que se vayan todos» coreada en las manifestaciones. Si en esa época las asambleas de barrio, las «fábricas recuperadas», las redes de trueque, las organizaciones de desocupados atrajeron la atención por lo que significaban como ruptura con el pasado, apareciendo como lugares de reinvención de la política, muy pronto quedó claro que las «viejas» instituciones políticas serían las verdaderas protagonistas del «retorno a la normalidad». El investigador elije entonces un punto de entrada; será el Parlamento. Considerando a esta institución como una especie de negativo en el que se imprimirían los cambios de la sociedad. En la foto percibimos la realidad, pero según el enfoque, la cantidad de luz, el cuadro que se elija, la foto es una de las representaciones posibles de la realidad. A partir de allí, se trata menos de un interés por la institución que por la práctica representativa, es decir, por la actividad de los representantes y del Parlamento en tanto «espacio público». Concentramos la atención en la representación en acto, a lo que se construye entre una interioridad de la institución y una exterioridad de la sociedad, porque la representación es, ante todo, un corte entre el representante y el representado. Cuando los representados se agitan y se organizan, ello perturba la práctica representativa, habituada a representar a ausentes. El gobierno representativo enfrenta una contradicción; entre deserción de la urnas e sobrecarga de la esfera pública; desinterés e interrupción; entre lógica de la policía y democracia. Fundada en una investigación sociológica, esta tesis se empeña, en un dominio reservado habitualmente a la ciencia política, en comprender la representación política como una práctica social.

Sous la Ve République, la seconde chambre a été conçue par le constituant comme un soutien prédisposé au Gouvernement et au régime nouvellement établi, eu égard à l’incertitude d’une majorité parlementaire à l’Assemblée nationale. La survenue imprévue de celle-ci aboutit à un rapprochement organique mais aussi fonctionnel de l’Assemblée nationale avec le Gouvernement. La discordance fréquente des majorités parlementaires place alors le Sénat et le bicamérisme dans une position institutionnelle délicate. Devenu un acquis du système politique, le fait majoritaire s’observe incontestablement, depuis l’alternance de 1981, au sein comme entre les deux chambres et influence leur organisation, leur fonctionnement et l’exercice de leurs prérogatives constitutionnelles. Les différentes configurations majoritaires témoignent en revanche d’une certaine spécificité du Sénat du point de vue du fait majoritaire et d’un exercice effectif et non orienté de la fonction parlementaire vis-à-vis du Gouvernement. Le Sénat trouve sa justification dans sa différenciation avec l’autre assemblée et la distanciation qu’il entretient avec le Gouvernement révèle le caractère équilibré du bicamérisme de la Ve République. L’institutionnalisation d’une majorité et ses particularités dans chacune des deux chambres conduisent le droit constitutionnel et le droit parlementaire à ne pas exclure les phénomènes extra-normatifs afin d’appréhender les institutions politiques dans leur fonctionnement effectif. / At the time of the Fifth Republic, the second chamber was devised by the framers of the Constitution as a predisposed support to the Government and the newly-established regime, given the uncertainty of a parliamentary majority within the National Assembly. The unexpected arrival of such a majority led to a closer organic and functional relationship between the National Assembly and the Government. The frequent lack of harmony between parliamentary majorities then put the Senate and the bicameral system in a delicate institutional position. Having become an established right of the political system, majority rule has clearly been observed since the 1981 power changeover, both inside either chamber and between them. It also affects their organisation, the way they operate and exercise their constitutional prerogatives. However, the different majority configurations show a certain specificity of the Senate from the majority rule point of view and in the actual and non-oriented exercise of its parliamentary function in relation with the other chamber, and its distancingfrom the Government reveals the well-balanced nature of the Fifth Republic's bicameralism. As that majority became institutionalised, and because of its specificities in ether chamber, constitutional law and parliamentary law were led not to exclude non-normative occurences in order to gain an understanding of the way political institutions actually work.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2016-11-09T13:21:49Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Vanilda Aparecida dos Santos.pdf: 2567596 bytes, checksum: 4200dd0c192f743daaedf0039e7d9322 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-11-09T13:21:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Vanilda Aparecida dos Santos.pdf: 2567596 bytes, checksum: 4200dd0c192f743daaedf0039e7d9322 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-09-12 / The Petrobras corruption scandal revealed by the Lava Jato Operation and daily reported in the national media affected the confidence of investors throughout the world with respect to the Brazilian Market. Nevertheless, the effects of corruption do not affect just the performance of economic institutions, but also generates distrust in public institutions and political agents. Considering the involvement of political authorities in the Petrobras corruption scandal this study has as its objective to analyze how corruption, understood as disobedience to the law, undermines the legitimacy of congressmen ando f Brazilian political institutions. The study is based on the oficial transcriptions of the hearings of the Parlamentary Commission (CPI) investigating the Petrobras scandal and the public hearings that obtained depositions of persons investigated for criminal corruption in Petrobras. Content Analysis according to Laurence Bardin (1977) and a system of interpretation were used as the analytical methodology of the study. Based on the data obtained and analyzed in this study, we conclude that the Parliamentary Commission, in spite of all its judicial powers which are considerably powerful in changing Brazilian policy, did not achieve its goal of investigating the scandal. It was evident the paralysis of the national parliament as the Commission proved to be a microcosm of this institutional crisis. The proceedings were marked by lamentable spectacles from congressmen and where transformed into a game of political interests illustrating the paralysis and institutional crisis. A Parliamentary Investigation Commission increased the distrust of the political class and contributed to the delegitimization of the national congress within Brazilian society / O escândalo da corrupção na Petrobrás deflagrado pela Operação Lava Jato e veiculado diariamente pela mídia afetou a confiança dos investidores do mundo em todo o mercado brasileiro. Entretanto, os efeitos da corrupção não caíram apenas sobre o desempenho das instituições econômicas, mas também geraram desconfiança nas instituições públicas e nos agentes políticos. Tendo em vista o envolvimento de autoridades políticas no escândalo da corrupção da Petrobrás, esta pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar como a corrupção, entendida como desobediência às leis, minou a legitimidade dos parlamentares e das instituições políticas no Brasil. O objeto de análise são as Notas taquigráficas das reuniões da Comissão Parlamentar de Inquérito (CPI) da Petrobrás e as audiências públicas para tomada de depoimentos dos investigados por crime de corrupção naquela empresa. Utilizamos a “Análise de conteúdo” de Laurence Bardin (1977) e o sistema de interpretação como metodologia de análise. Com base nos dados colhidos e analisados nesta pesquisa, pode-se concluir que a CPI, apesar de todas as prerrogativas jurídicas que detém e de serem instrumentos poderosos de mudança na política brasileira não cumpriu o seu papel de investigar. Ao contrário, foi marcada por espetáculos lamentáveis e se transformou em um jogo de interesses políticos que demonstraram a paralisia do Parlamento e a crise da instituição. Além disso, a CPI da Petrobrás aumentou o descrédito na classe política e contribuiu para a deslegitimação do Legislativo diante da sociedade

L’approbation par le parlement du budget présenté par le gouvernement est un moment essentiel de la vie financière des États. Au regard de son importance, il peut être utile d’apprécier la portée réelle de la fonction exercée par le parlement à cette occasion. Dans les États de l’Afrique occidentale francophone, cette appréciation conduit au constat d’une compétence parlementaire limitée. Elle est limitée aussi bien par l’encadrement de son exercice que par la latitude dont dispose l’exécutif de s’écarter de cette autorisation en cours de gestion. Au-delà de ce caractère limité, il est possible d’observer que cette compétence parlementaire est également en mutation. Cette mutation tend à en changer profondément la nature et, par voie de conséquence, à modifier sensiblement le rôle du parlement dans le processus budgétaire. D’une part, ce rôle passe de la décision à la délibération lors du vote du projet de loi de finances. D’autre part, il se traduit par un contrôle plus rigoureux de l’exécution budgétaire. / The approval by the parliament of the budget submitted by the government is a key moment in the financial life of a state. Given its importance, it may be useful to assess the true scope of the function performed by the parliament on this occasion. In the states of French-speaking West Africa, this assessment leads to the conclusion of a limited parliamentary competence. It is limited both by the management of its exercise and by the government’s flexibility to deviate from this authorization during its implementation. Beyond its limited nature, it is possible to notice that parliamentary competence is also undergoing changes. The changes tend to modify its nature deeply and, consequently, to modify the role of the parliament in the budgetary process significantly. On the one hand, this role moves from the decision to deliberation during the vote of the finance bill. On the other hand, it results in a more rigorous monitoring of budget execution.