Media representations of diverse groups in Canadian society have been shown by researchers to influence their individual and collective sense of well-being and by inference their welfare (Fleras, 2012; Henry & Tator, 2002; Gist, 1990). Nevertheless, mainstream media continue to be racially and/or sexually biased in their representation of minority groups, especially racialized minority and Aboriginal women. Although efforts have been made by the government and various interest groups to promote the tenets of equality, impartiality and objectivity as advocated in the Multiculturalism Act of 1988, Canadian broadcasting Act and the Employment Equity Act, media bias persists. Existing research exploring media representation of diverse groups in the political sphere has not been very thorough. The myopic focus on either the gender or race of candidates and their campaign activities en-route to political offices, offers limited analysis of the intersected identities of office holders in terms of their race/ethnicity and gender. Given the centrality of Parliament in formulating and upholding the tenets of social democracy in Canadian society, this study aims to address this gap by interrogating media representations of women with multiple targeted identities in the Canadian 41st Parliament – specifically the House of Commons. Through Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), this study examines mainstream and ethnic media representations of racialized minority and Aboriginal women MPs relative to their white counterparts in order to evaluate bias in these portrayals. In addition, the portrayal of racialized minority and Aboriginal women MPs in mainstream and ethnic newspapers are compared to highlight their convergences and divergences. The study’s findings reveal that while gender biased representations cut across both mainstream and ethnic media, ethnic media offer more positive portrayals of racialized MPs and their communities relative to mainstream media. The study also reveals that gender and race are not independent axes of oppression but operate simultaneously to compound oppressive misrepresentation of racialized minority women.

The first three years of the twentieth century were a crucial time in the development of state-funded education in England. The rising tide of Germanophobia in the wake of the South African War impressed Conservative politicians with the need to improve England's educational system in order that she remain competitive in the world. With the aid of a very few Liberal imperialists, the Conservatives were able to shepherd through a series of bills which established state funded secondary schools throughout all of England, an expansion on the system created by the Education Act of 1870 in terms of both curriculum and breadth of jurisdiction. The Liberals opposed much of this legislation based on their allegiance to their nonconformist constituents, who viewed the expanse of state-funded schools as a threat to their voluntary schools and as an attempt to enforce Anglican uniformity. The fact that these MPs opposed these bills, and later modified them greatly when Liberal, and later Labour, governments came to power in the decade immediately preceding the first World War, should in no way diminish the importance of these pieces of Conservative legislation. This essay fits into the historiography of its topic in that it provides a detailed examination of debates which have often been overlooked due to historians' emphasis on the later Liberal legislation.

Magister Artium - MA / South Africa’s National Language Policy Framework was formulated in 2003. The framework was designed to create an enabling environment for the development of instruments and initiatives intended to promote multilingualism in the country. Following the formulation of the National Language Policy Framework, National Parliament, in collaboration with the Western Cape and the Eastern Cape Legislatures, commissioned a project of developing a Terminology List of terminology that is used in these settings. This Terminology List was taken over and expanded in 2005. According to the Terminology List’s preface, “stakeholders embarked on the enlarged terminology project in order to ensure that multilingualism was possible in this field. The Multilingual Parliamentary/Political Terminology List will promote multilingualism in Parliament and elsewhere, and will facilitate effective communication between parliamentarians, politicians, national and provincial language offices, provincial legislatures and Hansard offices” (DAC (2005: iii-iv). With perhaps one exception (Rondganger, 2012) focusing on the English-Afrikaans language pair, there are no known studies evaluating the Multilingual Parliamentary/Political Terminology List. As a result, it is not known to what extent envisaged target users (e.g. language practitioners) in National and Provincial Legislatures are even aware of its existence. It is also not known to what extent the terminology resource is able to support target users in the typical usage situations envisaged in the preface. More generally, there has also been no determination of how the Multilingual Parliamentary/Political Terminology List has contributed to language development, specifically, making possible the use of the nine indigenous African languages for parliamentary-related discourse. As a consequence of the above dearth of knowledge around the Multilingual Parliamentary/Political Terminology List, there also is no empirical database upon which suggestions can be made for improving it; that is, responding to the call in the preface for suggestions: “the compilers acknowledge that it might be useful to expand the collection, and any suggestions in this regard will be welcomed” (DAC (2005: iv). This research draws on the sociology of dictionary use (Kühn 1989, Flinz 2010) and on a knowledge-attitude-practice (KAP) approach to terminology evaluation (Antia 2000, Antia & Clas 2003; Rubin 1977, Kummer 1983) to analyse the Multilingual Parliamentary Terminology List.

"Le roi en son duché" : en faisant référence, par analogie, à la célèbre formule du XIIIe siècle selon laquelle "le roi de France est empereur de son royaume", cette étude veut clairement identifier les éléments de la "présence" royale en Bretagne durant ce que l'historiographie appelle "l'âge d'or capétien". Elle vise également à apprécier l'intégration dela principauté bretonne et de son aristocratie dans le royaume de France, avant d'en proposer une traduction territoriale par le biais de l'approche cartographique. Le cas de la Bretagne est d'autant plus intéressant qu'elle subit de profonds bouleversements dynastiques au début du XIIIe siècle : elle passe de la domination plantagenêt à celle des Capétiens, avec l'arrivée de Pierre de Dreux sur le trône ducal en 1213. De manière plus générale, la réflexion menée vise à comprendre comment une principauté telle que la Bretagne s'insère dans le processus de construction de l'État royal patiemment mis en oeuvre par les souverains capétiens de Philippe Auguste à Charles IV. Celui-ci s'observe dans de nombreux domaines : judiciaire et juridictionnel, fiscal et monétaire, et enfin, militaire. Cette démarche passe par l'analyse du jeu des acteurs : les nobles et les ecclésiastiques bretons et non-bretons, le duc de Bretagne, le roi de France et ses officiers dont l'activité sur le territoire ducal est remarquable. Sur le plan territorial, la pesée de cette intégration permet d'établir une tripartition du duché entre un nord dont la proximité avec le pouvoir royal est importante ; une partie orientale quiprofite de sa proximité avec d'autres principautés du royaume pour nouer des liens solides, en particulier avec d'importants lignages angevins et poitevins ; enfin, un sud plus éloigné du pouvoir royal. / "The King in his Duchy": by referring, by analogy, to the famous 13th century formula according to which "the King of France is emperor of his kingdom", this study clearly seeks to identify the elements of the royal "presence" in Brittany during what historiography calls "the Capetian golden age". It also aims to assess the integration of the Brittany principality and its aristocracy into the Kingdom of France, before proposing a territorial translation using the cartographic approach. The case of Brittany is all the more interesting in that it underwent profound dynastic upheavals at the beginning of the 13th century: it went from plantagenet domination to that of the Capetians, with the arrival of Pierre de Dreux on the ducal throne in 1213. More generally, the reflection aims to understand how a principality such as Brittany fits into the process of building the Royal State patiently implemented by the Capetian sovereigns from Philippe Auguste to Charles IV. It can be observed in many areas : judicial and jurisdictional, fiscal and monetary, and finally, military. This approach is based on the analysis of the actors' game: the nobles and the breton and non-breton clergymen, the Duke of Brittany, the King of France and his officers whose activity on the ducal territory is remarkable. On the territorial level, the weight of this integration makes itpossible to establish a tripartition of the duchy between a north whose proximity to the royal power is important; an eastern part which takes advantage of its proximity with other principalities of the kingdom to forge solid links, in particular with important angevins and poitevins lineages ; finally, a south more distant from the royal power.

Magister Legum - LLM / The United Kingdom (UK) is one of the largest Member states within the European Union (EU) that receive export goods from developing countries. The UK has successfully voted to exit the EU through a referendum and this may impact the already existing developing countries’ markets that depend on their exports to the UK. On the one hand, the UK has promised that it intends on maintaining the existing trade agreements with most of its trade partners including the Southern African Development Community (SADC)-EU Economic Partnership Agreements (EPA). On the other hand, the UK is concerned of its independence from the EU and at this point in time, it can only be anticipated that, agreements if any, relating to Brexit will only suffice once the entire exiting process has been completed.

Univerzita Karlova v Praze Právnická fakulta Doktorský studijní program: Teoretické právní vědy Studijní obor: Ústavní právo Školitel: doc. JUDr. Jana Reschová, CSc. DISERTAČNÍ PRÁCE Parlamentarismus v Evropské unii (Parliamentarism in the European Union) JUDr. Martin Soukup Čílova 1803/2 162 00 Praha 6 Abstract European integration in the second half of the twentieth century resulted in the unique and inspiring project of the economic and political union called at first European Communities and later European Union. History of this gradual integration is accompanied by intensive professional, political and also lay discussions on nature of the European union of states and on its future. Institutional separation of powers in the Union and its legitimacy, as well as the issue of vertical separation of powers among the Union and member states have substantial influence on the Union functioning. Its own system of bodies became one of the most significant features of the Communities and later Union. It is typical for the Union bodies as distinct from the classic central bodies of state power that some of them are strongly connected with the member states. Institutional framework of the Union changed considerably after ratification of the Treaty of Lisbon. One of the central and ruling bodies of the Union is the...

According binding legislation, explanatory reports attached to legislatorybills is integral part of legislative process in the Czech republic for a long time, dramatically exceeding duration of autonomic Czech state. However, law sciences aren't interested in them a lot, equally to whole legislative process. Unfortunately, most of legislative actors do the same. At first, this thesis briefly discribes legislation related to explanatory reports. It considers both efficient legislation and valid legislation with efficiency planed from 1st January 2000, but also legislation in Legislative government guideline, which is binding only for legistatory bill submitted by government. Coming out from assumption, that writing explanatory report isn't the purpose by itself, the thesis define several functions, whitch explanatory reports should fulfill. Only in comparison with to these fuctions, we could say how explanatory report should like and eventually how it definitely souldn't. Base on these defined functions, the most common lacks of explanatory notes, which makes fullfiling the function more difficult or even impossible. These lacks is presented at real documents (bills) from legislative process - passed bills, rejected bills and also bill going through the various parts of legislative process right now...

En l’espace de soixante ans, la Constitution du 4 octobre 1958 a subi de nombreux changements à la fois juridiques et politiques. Une chose a cependant perduré : le parlementarisme rationalisé. Prenant en compte les changements intervenus depuis 1958 et les aspirations des Français à la modernisation et au rééquilibrage des institutions de la Ve République, le Constituant de 2008 a opéré une revalorisation du Parlement et proposé de rendre la fonction parlementaire plus valorisante. Mais à l’aune de dix années d’expérience, force est de constater que les améliorations attendues n’ont pas véritablement eu lieu. Dans le même temps, les exigences démocratiques des Français ont évolué. De ce fait, ce qui était acceptable hier, à défaut d'être accepté, ne l'est plus aujourd'hui. Il en est ainsi des avantages, des pratiques, des comportements individuels ou collectifs de responsables politiques.On peut dès lors s’interroger sur ce que devrait être le député de la Ve République tant au niveau de son statut que de son rôle. Il ressort de cette étude que l’actuel statut du député est appelé à se renforcer, notamment, s’agissant des moyens alloués au député, ainsi que des droits et garanties afin de permettre une plus grande mobilité entre le mandat et l’activité professionnelle de l’élu, et d’améliorer la représentativité du député par l’ouverture de l’Assemblée à un nouveau public. Le cadre institutionnel dans lequel s’exerce le travail parlementaire doit également être assoupli pour rétablir le député dans ses fonctions de collaborateur du Gouvernement pour la confection des lois et de contrôleur de l’action gouvernementale. Enfin, le travail en circonscription ne doit pas être négligé car il permet à l’élu de mieux exercer ses missions législatives et de contrôle. / In the space of sixty years, the Constitution of 4th October 1958 has undergone many legal and political changes. However, one thing has remained: streamlined parliamentarianism. Considering the changes since 1958 and the aspirations of the French people for the modernisation and the rebalancing of the institutions of the Fifth Republic, in 2008 the constituent power worked on upgrading the role of the Parliament and proposed to improve the attractiveness of the parliamentarian function. After ten years of experience, it is clear that the potential improvements have not taken place. At the same time, the democratic requirements of the French have evolved. Hence, what was acceptable yesterday may not be today. This is true for the advantages, traditional practices, individual or collective behaviours of policy makers. Consequently, it may be asked what an MP of the Fifth Republic should be, in both status and function.This study shows that the status of the MP should be strengthened, notably with regard to the resources allocated to the MP, as well as rights and guarantees to allow greater mobility between the mandate and the professional activity of the elected representative, and to improve the representativeness of the MP through the opening up of the Assembly to a new audience. Also, the institutional system within which parliamentary work is performed must be more flexible to return the MP to his/her role as a legislator and overseer of government action. Finally, constituency work must not be neglected because it allows the MP to better carry out his/her legislative and overseeing missions.

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A modernização é um tema recorrente na literatura contemporânea, sobretudo das ciências sociais, e suas expressões trazem elementos de rápida transformação que influenciam toda a sociedade e também suas organizações. O presente estudo está inserido no tema da modernização das organizações, tendo como seu objeto de pesquisa o recorte dos Parlamentos, organizações do Poder Legislativo com características próprias deste Poder. Deste modo, o estudo contribui para o desenvolvimento do campo da administração parlamentar, área de pesquisa pouco desenvolvida no Brasil e que, embora guarde intrínsecas relações, se distingue dos Estudos Legislativos ou da Gestão de Organizações Públicas. Entre as estruturas criadas para a modernização dos Parlamentos, estão as Escolas do Legislativo, espaços de capacitação e treinamento que emergiram a partir da década de 90 para qualificar o corpo administrativo que se atribuiu às Casas em função dos preceitos da Constituição de 1988. Neste sentido, a presente investigação procura responder ao seguinte problema de pesquisa: Como foram criadas e se desenvolveram as Escolas do Legislativo no Parlamento brasileiro? Tendo, como objetivo, explicar o surgimento das Escolas do Legislativo no contexto histórico da modernização do Parlamento. Para isso, desenvolve-se uma pesquisa exploratória de estudo de casos múltiplos com as três primeiras organizações legislativas que criaram suas Escolas: a Assembleia Legislativa de Minas Gerais, a Câmara dos Deputados e o Senado Federal. A relevância destas Escolas, para além de seu pioneirismo, está no fato de constituírem modelos para a referência de outras Casas legislativas que passaram a implementar também suas próprias Escolas. O estudo de casos é adotado em seu tipo histórico-organizacional, utilizando-se de documentos, discursos parlamentares, bibliografia e entrevistas narrativas para a coleta de dados dos casos estudados. Os dados emergidos do campo são organizados e analisados em duas perspectivas. Na perspectiva vertical, cada caso é analisado isoladamente para a construção do contexto histórico de criação e desenvolvimento das Escolas. Na perspectiva horizontal, quatro questões essenciais emergem da pesquisa e são discutidas nos três casos e com base na revisão teórica realizada. O resultado da pesquisa é um quadro analítico que apresenta os elementos de criação de cada uma das Escolas e suas posições em relação às questões transversais discutidas. Por fim, realiza-se uma síntese do trabalho desenvolvido, uma discussão das principais limitações da pesquisa e uma indicação de agenda de pesquisa com outras questões que devem ser exploradas no campo da administração parlamentar / Modernization is a frequent issue in the contemporary literature, especially regarding the social sciences, and whenever it takes place, quick change elements influence the entire society and its organizations. The present study deals with modernization processes inside organizations, and its main research object lies within the Parliaments: legislative organizations with specific characteristics of this law power. Thus, the paper contributes to the development of the researches on parliamentary administration, an area still poorly developed in Brazil that, in spite of its similarities, is different from the Legislative Studies or Public Organizations Management. Among the many structures created which seek the modernization of parliaments, there are the Legislative Schools, places established in the \'90s meant to provide corporative training to the administrative body, role attributed to the Houses due to the principles of the 1988 Constitution. Thus, this study aims at answering the following research problem: How were the Legislative Schools in the Brazilian Parliament created and developed? Its objective is to explain the establishment of Legislative Schools in the historical context of the Parliament modernization. In order to do so, an exploratory multiple-case study was developed, which investigated the three first legislative organizations that created their own Schools: the Legislative Assembly of Minas Gerais, the Congress of Deputies and the Senate. These schools present such relevance, not only because of being pioneers, but also due to their becoming reference to other Houses which are now implementing their Schools. The case study is carried out under a historical and organizational perspective, and data from the studied cases was collected by gathering documents, parliamentary speeches, literature research and narrative interviews, which were then analyzed vertically and horizontally. In the vertical perspective, each case is reviewed individually to rebuild the historical context of the establishment and development of the Schools. In the horizontal perspective, four key questions emerge from the research and are discussed in the three cases and based on the literature review performed. The research results in an analytic framework that presents elements of the establishment of each School and their positions in relation to the other discussed issues. Finally, find a summary of the study, a discussion of its major limitations and a suggested research agenda with other issues that should be exploited within the field of parliamentary administration