Este trabalho estuda a implantação da responsabilidade dos empregados públicos no Brasil entre 1826, início da primeira legislatura do parlamento brasileiro, e 1832, data da sanção do Código de Processo Criminal de Primeira Instância. O estabelecimento da responsabilidade foi escolhido para ser o primeiro debate do parlamento brasileiro. Isso se deu, conforme buscamos demonstrar, pela importância dada ao instituto como parte do estabelecimento de uma ordem constitucional, mas principalmente por ser um mecanismo que permitia realizar um ajuste na distribuição de poderes realizada pela Carta de 1824, já que responsabilizar os empregados públicos, especialmente os ministros, era um meio eficiente diminuir os poderes do coroa, ampliando os do parlamento. Buscamos mostrar que, dentro do processo de construção desse instituto, duas questões merecem destaque. A primeira é a responsabilidade dos ministros, que tinha um caráter especial por ser um pilar constitutivo fundamental das monarquias constitucionais. O segundo era a responsabilização dos magistrados, movimento que correspondia a um forte reclamo por diminuir as prerrogativas interpretativas dos juízes. A tese aborda de maneira detalhada, através dos debates parlamentares, os três momentos de construção da responsabilidade, a discussão e aprovação da Lei de Responsabilidade dos Ministros e Conselheiros de Estado, entre 1826 e 1827; do Supremo Tribunal de Justiça do Império, entre 1827 e 1828; e a construção dos códigos criminal e de processo criminal, entre 1826 e 1832. / This thesis studies the implementation of public employees accountability in Brazil between the beginning of the Brazilian parliament, in 1826, and the sanction of the Criminal Procedure Code of First Instance, in 1832. The establishment of the accountability has been chosen as the first debate of the Brazilian parliament. This happened, as we seek to demonstrate, due to the importance given to the institute as part of the establishment of a constitutional order, but mainly because it was a mechanism that allowed an adjustment in the distribution of powers already foreseen by the Charter of 1824 since the accountability of public servants, especially ministers, was an efficient way to diminish the powers of the crown, thus expanding the powers of parliament. We seek to show that, in the process of construction of this institute, two issues deserve attention. The first is the liability of ministers, a fundamental constitutive pillar of constitutional monarchies. The second was the accountability of judges, which diminished the interpretive prerogatives of judges. This thesis discusses in detail, through parliamentary debates, the three stages of construction of the accountability. The discussion and approval of the Law of Responsibility for Ministers and Counselors of State, between 1826 and 1827; for the Supreme Court of Justice of the Empire, between 1827 and 1828; and the making of the criminal code, between 1826 and 1832.

Este trabalho estuda a implantação da responsabilidade dos empregados públicos no Brasil entre 1826, início da primeira legislatura do parlamento brasileiro, e 1832, data da sanção do Código de Processo Criminal de Primeira Instância. O estabelecimento da responsabilidade foi escolhido para ser o primeiro debate do parlamento brasileiro. Isso se deu, conforme buscamos demonstrar, pela importância dada ao instituto como parte do estabelecimento de uma ordem constitucional, mas principalmente por ser um mecanismo que permitia realizar um ajuste na distribuição de poderes realizada pela Carta de 1824, já que responsabilizar os empregados públicos, especialmente os ministros, era um meio eficiente diminuir os poderes do coroa, ampliando os do parlamento. Buscamos mostrar que, dentro do processo de construção desse instituto, duas questões merecem destaque. A primeira é a responsabilidade dos ministros, que tinha um caráter especial por ser um pilar constitutivo fundamental das monarquias constitucionais. O segundo era a responsabilização dos magistrados, movimento que correspondia a um forte reclamo por diminuir as prerrogativas interpretativas dos juízes. A tese aborda de maneira detalhada, através dos debates parlamentares, os três momentos de construção da responsabilidade, a discussão e aprovação da Lei de Responsabilidade dos Ministros e Conselheiros de Estado, entre 1826 e 1827; do Supremo Tribunal de Justiça do Império, entre 1827 e 1828; e a construção dos códigos criminal e de processo criminal, entre 1826 e 1832. / This thesis studies the implementation of public employees accountability in Brazil between the beginning of the Brazilian parliament, in 1826, and the sanction of the Criminal Procedure Code of First Instance, in 1832. The establishment of the accountability has been chosen as the first debate of the Brazilian parliament. This happened, as we seek to demonstrate, due to the importance given to the institute as part of the establishment of a constitutional order, but mainly because it was a mechanism that allowed an adjustment in the distribution of powers already foreseen by the Charter of 1824 since the accountability of public servants, especially ministers, was an efficient way to diminish the powers of the crown, thus expanding the powers of parliament. We seek to show that, in the process of construction of this institute, two issues deserve attention. The first is the liability of ministers, a fundamental constitutive pillar of constitutional monarchies. The second was the accountability of judges, which diminished the interpretive prerogatives of judges. This thesis discusses in detail, through parliamentary debates, the three stages of construction of the accountability. The discussion and approval of the Law of Responsibility for Ministers and Counselors of State, between 1826 and 1827; for the Supreme Court of Justice of the Empire, between 1827 and 1828; and the making of the criminal code, between 1826 and 1832.

Denna avhandling undersöker hur omställningen av energisystemet har konstruerats i den riksdagspolitiska debatten, med fokus på förnybara energikällor. Utgångspunkten är det riksdagsbeslut som fattades 1980 och som innebar en omställning till förnybara energikällor. Studien bygger på textanalys av framför allt riksdagsprotokoll. Energipolitik är en ständig dragkamp kring definitioner och kategoriseringar och vilka ideal som bör utgöra politikens mål. I den riksdagspolitiska energidebatten om omställningen av energisystemet är det långt ifrån självklart vad som betraktas som problem, lösning och mål. Aktörer interagerar och förhandlar och skapar på så vis mening. Tre teoretiska begrepp är centrala i analysen av denna process: problematisering, obligatorisk passagepunkt och gränsobjekt. Den riksdagspolitiska debatten handlar om mer än bara vilka energikällor som är bäst lämpade. Livsavgörande framtidsfrågor har knutits till energiproduktionen. I den energipolitiska debatten väcks också frågor om kunskapsproduktion, hur energikällor och olika tekniska lösningar ställs mot varandra och blir argument i debatten om rationalitet och sanning. Förnybara energikällor har varit del av såväl utopiska som dystopiska framtidsbilder. De kan vara ett argument för det lilla och småskaliga, mot tillbakagång och det antimodernistiska, eller för utveckling, modernisering och det framtidsorienterade. Således handlar debatten om omställningen av energisystemet också om vad som utgör ”det goda samhället”. / This thesis examines how the energy system transformation has been constructed in the Swedish parliamentary debate, with a focus on renewable energy sources. The study is based on text analysis and the primarily material is parliamentary protocols. Energy politics is a constant tug-of-war over how to classify things, what categorizations to make and what ideals to turn into goals. Actors interact and negotiate, creating meaning and definitions. I draw upon three theoretical concepts to describe this process: problematization, obligatory passage point and boundary object. The decision to transform the energy system has been decisive for Swedish politics. In addition, it raises questions concerning knowledge production, pitting various energy sources and technical solutions against each other and making them into arguments in the debate on rationality and truth. Renewable energy sources serve as a basis for both utopian and dystopian visions of the future. Renewable energy sources can be used in multiple ways rhetorically, to advocate the local and small scale, to caution against regression and the anti-modern, and to uphold development, modernization and an orientation towards the future. Thus, the debate on what energy sources should be chosen also becomes a debate about the future and what constitutes “the good society”.Energy politics is a constant tug-of-war over how to classify things, what categorizations to make and what ideals to turn into goals. Actors interact and negotiate, creating meaning and definitions. I draw upon three theoretical concepts to describe this process: problematization, obligatory passage point and boundary object.

This licentiate thesis studies the differences between analogue and digital council meetings in how they are organized and how speaking times are distributed between men and women, and hard and soft issues. The study is based on Swedish municipal council meetings, which share similar features with national parliamentary meetings and seek legitimacy through meetings and debate. Perspectives on meeting sites and components are combined with a time perspective on parliamentary activity, where women's representation and formal meeting procedures are set in focus. By studying video recordings of six council meetings in three municipalities, time is used to measure components of three analogue and three digital meetings. Measures of relative speaking time or speech duration are constructed and applied to meeting structure and how women and men spend their speaking time. Findings indicate that the roles of meeting secretaries and chairmen changed when faced with new digital challenges. The meeting formality decreased in the digital meetings, which is in line with previous research. Women generally accounted for a smaller proportion of speaking time in relation to their numerical representation. They spent more of their speaking time debating soft issues, such as social care, while men spent more of their speaking time debating hard issues, such as economy and infrastructure. The findings are in line with previous research on the policy areas with which women and men most engage. In the digital meetings, differences between men and women where still observed, but less noticeable. This could be interpreted as the digital format having potential benefits for women's representation in certain circumstances. The findings have implications for the understanding on how digital parliamentary meetings strive to create legitimacy. However, more research is needed to be able to generalize beyond the specific context of this study and to understand the mechanisms that can explain differences between men's and women's speaking time. The contribution of the thesis lies primarily in the development of a new method for measuring speaking time which, in relation to previous research, presents greater robustness from a reliability and validity perspective. / Den här uppsatsen studerar skillnader mellan analoga och digitala fullmäktigemöten avseende hur de organiseras och hur talartider fördelas mellan män och kvinnor och hårda och mjuka frågor. Studien tar avstamp i fullmäktige som ett parlamentariskt möte på lokal nivå som söker genomflödeslegitimitet genom att sammanträda och debattera. Teoretiska perspektiv på mötesplatser och möteskomponenter kombineras med ett tidsperspektiv på parlamentarisk aktivitet där kvinnors representation och mötesprocedurer fokuseras. Genom att studera videoinspelningar av sex fullmäktigemöten i tre kommuner mäts hur tiden används i tre analoga och tre digitala möten. Måttet talartid konstrueras för att studera hur mötestiden struktureras och hur kvinnor och män spenderar sin talartid. Resultatet pekar på att mötessekreterares och ordförandes roller förändras när de ställs inför nya utmaningar i digitala möten och att formalitetsnivån sjunker i de digitala mötena, vilket är i linje med tidigare forskning om digitala möten. Kvinnor stod generellt för en mindre andel av talartiden i relation till deras numerära representation. De spenderade mer av sin talartid att debattera mjuka frågor som exempelvis social omsorg, medan männen spenderade mer av sin talartid åt att debattera hårda frågor som exempelvis ekonomi och infrastruktur. Resultatet är i linje med tidigare forskning om vilka politikområden som kvinnor och män engageras i. Skillnaderna bestod i de digitala fullmäktigesammanträdena, men de var inte lika påtagliga. En tolkning är att det digitala formatet kan gynna kvinnors representation under vissa omständigheter. Resultatet har implikationer för förståelsen om hur digitala parlamentariska möten bidrar till legitimitet. Dock behövs mer forskning för att kunna generalisera dessa fall bortom den specifika kontexten samt att förstå vilka mekanismer som kan förklara skillnader mellan män och kvinnors talartid. Uppsatsens bidrag ligger främst i utvecklingen av en innovativ metod för att mäta talartid som i relation till tidigare försök står sig robust utifrån ett reliabilitets- och validitetsperspektiv.