The thesis is about a small NGO that is working with the rights of persons with albinism in Tanzania. It deals with the NGOs advocacy work on a local and national level, and addresses the challenges that come with their work.  I have concluded that advocacy is a powerful tool for NGOs to use as a part of their strategic communication. NGOs in the Global South and especially Africa are given less attention, thus having less opportunities of reaching out with their message. I have also concluded that for an NGO to succeed in its advocacy work it needs to carefully identify its target audiences and adapt the messages thereafter. To build a relationship with the audiences is also an important part of the process, as a strong relationship increases the chances of involvement in the organization. ICTs can be very useful for NGOs that strive to reach out to the global community.

<p>“Unemployment is a restriction of people’s social</p><p>networks and the feeling of participation in the society”</p><p>-Marita Eastmond & Lisa Åkesson</p><p><strong>Abstract </strong></p><p>The main aim of this study is to discuss integration in the labour market by analyzing and discussing a governmental Proposition and a Pilot Project as well as the results of the field work herein carried out. In order to understand how integration in the labour market occurs and to provide some suggestions to improve the governmental documents, the concepts of securitization of migration and transnationalization of migration were used as analytical frameworks. The Pilot Project chosen is <em>Pilotverksamhet med etableringssamtal och etableringsplan – Uppdaterad projektplan med mål och riktlinjer för den utvidgade försöksverksamheten </em>based on the Proposition <em>2009/10:60</em> ”<em>Nyanlända invandrares arbetsmarknadsetablering – egenansvar med professionellt stöd”. </em>The research questions are 1) which questions are left aside from the Proposition and which are possible suggestions to the questions found? 2) How are the interviewees and the Pilot Project/Proposition affected by securitization of migration and transnationalization of migration? Furthermore, suggestions to improve the proposition were discussed. Interviews with primary and secondary stakeholders were also carried out. This analysis was carried out together with the results of the field work in Kronoberg (focused on residents of Araby, Arbetsförmedlingen and Växjö Kommun) in the view of the concepts of securitization and transnational migration issues. The method of this research is qualitative with an abductive approach. The result of this study indicates a number of issues to be improved in the Proposition document before the law be promulgated by the government, as well as some issues that hinder the integration process of the primary stakeholders. Reflection for future studies concerning the influence of securitization and transnationalization phenomena, as well as suggestions to improve people’s integration processes are presented in the conclusion of this study. </p><p>Keywords: Arbetsförmedlingen, Araby, county, immigration, integration, international migration, municipality, Kommun, policy, Proposition, securitization, Sweden, Swedish, Växjö</p>

In 2017 and 2018, the city of Cape Town, in South Africa, suffered one of the most severe water crises ever seen, becoming the first big city to face a realistic scenario of a "Day Zero", the day in which the dams reach a water storage level unable to provide water services to other than critical services. In the wake of this emergency, several organisations and movements started to organise themselves to mitigate the effects of the drought and find a solution. The measures undertaken by the local government, which included punitive tariffs for the citizens, caused a big discontent among the population, who protested in the streets to demand a proper solution. Amid the protesters, the social movements rose to demand from the authorities democratic and reasonable management of the water in the city, putting pressure by protesting, creating petitions, mobilising people and spreading facts about the crisis and what they believed were the true problems behind it.   This qualitative research included a field study in the city of Cape Town and uses abductive research for the analysis of data. The study is exploratory, as it intends to understand and explore what happened during the crisis and the role of social movements to create a narrative. Five interviews were conducted between two different target groups: social movement actors and authorities.   This thesis focuses on the role that social movements played and their dynamics in the outcome of the actions taken by the authorities to address the water crisis in Cape Town. Using social movement theory and alliances theory, this explores what actors were involved, what actions and activities the social movements conducted, and what was the outcome of the role they played. This is done in order to create a narrative of the facts that occurred during the crisis until the Day Zero was officially called off by the local authorities, the moment in which the organisations stopped their engagement due to whether the loss of the momentum, the collapse of the alliances or the accomplishment of their minimum demands.   The study concludes that there were two moments that determined the role of social movements during the water crisis: first, with the emergence of the crisis, the movements gathered and played a communicator role, delivering information and sharing facts; secondly, after the measures taken by the authorities were announced, the movements played an instigator role as an opposition to the local government, putting pressure mainly in the streets. We conclude that the outcome delivered by the authorities, the so-called Water Strategy, was an important step but did not respond to the demands of the movement sufficiently, as it was not conducted in a participatory way, although it included some of the demands of the movement. It is not possible to conclude that the role played by the social movements was key to determine the outcome of the crisis, but they contributed to put pressure and make visible the demands for a more democratic water management.

<p>I denna uppsats avhandlas hotuppfattningar och strategier för maritim säkerhet i Östersjön ur ett svenskt perspektiv. Ökade varuflöden, oljetransporter och handel inom östersjöregionen har tillsammans med den snabba omvärldsutvecklingen bidragit till ett nationellt och transnationellt intresse för bibehållen maritim säkerhet i Östersjön.</p><p>Syftet med uppsatsen är att med kunskap om av regering och riksdag identifierade hot under perioden 1998-2009, analysera vilka strategier Sverige valt för att hantera hoten och bibehålla den maritima säkerheten.</p><p>För att identifiera hoten mot svenska intressen i Östersjön har teorin om det vidgade säkerhetsbegreppet använts för att med sektorerna; politik, ekonomi, samhälle, miljö samt militär identifiera de hot som regering och riksdag lyfter fram i propositioner och försvarsberedningar.</p><p>Strategierna som har analyserats har fokus både på svenskt nationellt såväl som transnationellt samarbete och berör både nutid och framtid.</p><p>Resultatet av uppsatsen visar att Sverige lägger allt mer fokus på transnationellt samarbete med bl.a. EU och de nordiska länderna men att även instruktioner till svenska myndigheter betonar ökat behov av samarbete för att hantera de identifierade hoten.</p>

The thesis addresses mHealth in Uganda and aims to map out how different factors affect the field and what challenges there are in using mobile phones. By using theories the thesis conclude that the organisational structures is unorganised due to lack in communication and communication. The thesis also address many factors that affect the field and to reach development in Uganda the organisations need to target the whole system of components. Coordination from governmental institutions and a will for collaboration between NGO's and government is important if a sustainable organisational structure and development should be attained. ICTs such as mobile phones can be a useful tool in reaching this goal.

<p>The purpose of this thesis is to achieve a greater understanding of the contemporary situation in Kosovo. This understanding is to be made concrete by viewing the international community’s and the domestic actor’s view of the root causes to the contemporary situation. First, the historical background and the contemporary political-, economical- and societal situation of the province are presented. Secondly follows the International Community’s- and the domestic actors stated view that is analyzed using the theories of Political Culture, Relative Deprivation and Human Needs.</p><p>The method that I have chosen is the qualitative together with Semi Structured Interviews that took place in Kosovo during spring 2007.</p><p>I find in my analysis that the view of the International Community and the domestic actors differ. The international community judge the root causes to be foremost the economy, historical legacy and unresolved status and that these have an Interest need based feature. The Kosovo Albanian elite deems that the economy, dual administration, living in a post-communist society and the unresolved status are the most important root causes. The Kosovo Serbs judge them to be lack of political stability and security, and the unresolved status. These needs are Value- and Human Need based to a greater extent than the International Community’s stated ones.</p><p>Keywords: Kosovo, International and Domestic Perspective, Relative Deprivation, Human Needs</p>

<p>The purpose of this study is to examine the possible theoretic and (f)actual role(s) of pop-culture icons in peace and evelopment-related global issues, using the qualitative research methods of text- and discourse analysis. Do pop-culture icons have a role to play at all in this field? If so, what is that role? What are these celebrity activists currently saying and doing on the international development scene and what are their analyses like? What are their current and historical functions? There is support in the academic literature suggesting that celebrity activists can possess vast power resources (scope of influence), (soft) power and (charismatic) authority, which in turn enables them to influence the attitudes and values of (especially young, receptive) people. The findings also show that the most successful celebrity activists have a global reach, as well as access to the international arenas of political power (e. g. the G8 and the World Economic Forum). Celebrity activists seem to be able to "sell" messages in a way that the politicians and officials of today cannot. When they speak, people listen. They further employ a two-level outreach, as they connect with political and economical elite groups as well as with the masses of world citizens in a way that politicians and officials, whose influence is more often limited by traditional nation state boundaries, cannot. I argue that the celebrity activists should be seen as a complement to the civil society and the work of NGO's and INGO's, since it is by further enhancing their work and strengthening their agendas that most of them act.Celebrity activists offer an alternative to the political establishment, which is viewed by suspicion by large groups of citizens, and can play a role in empowerment, inspiration, education, information, awareness raising, fundraising, opinion building and lobbying and function as diplomats, spokespersons, ambassadors, entrepreneurs, convenors and heroic voices.</p>

<p>Human rights and solidarity, as well as moral and legal responsibilities to protect people in need of refuge, seem to be principles of secondary importance within international migratory policies today. Instead, the predominant view seems to focus more and more on the protection of territorial borders, the welfare state and national identity. This international change in discourse can also be seen in the political trends of individual states. There are reasons to believe that this is a development that is also perceptible in the political rhetoric that is used in parliamentary debates, which constitute the main focus of this thesis. The aim of this study has therefore been to increase the understanding of this change in migratory policies by analyzing Swedish parliamentary debates between 1975 and 2002, using a theoretical framework focused on two different perspectives on security: First, the Copenhagen School and securitization of migration, and second, human security and human rights. The method consists of an interpretative and reflective method, together with a critical discourse analysis approach. The main results of the thesis show a possibility to distinguish four sets of discourses with close ties to the contemporary societal context during this period of almost three decades. However, the main arguments for such a change in discourse are first, that although the migration policies have developed in a more restrictive way since the 1980’s, the arguments and rhetoric in parliamentary debates have not changed much even though the tendencies are harder tones simultaneously with such restrictions. Second, in spite of this similarity, there have been people in parliament who have raised their voices and protested during this period when, in their view, the politics has moved outside of the ordinary framework. Finally, this thesis argues that it is possible to place the two debating sides in what could be named the security/rights- nexus, depending on each side’s point of departure according to the security framework of this thesis.</p>

<p>The aim of this field study was to analyze, by taking into consideration the small farmers' perspective, the possibilities and obstacles for an implementation of a Green Revolution in southern Niassa, Northern Mozambique.</p><p>We also highlighted the following question:</p><p>In what sense are the findings in Asia, presented by Djurfeldt, relevant for the situation in southern Niassa?</p><p>The analytical framework used is based on the scheme developed by Nitsch and Åkesson. This scheme has been used to understand the small farmer's relationship toward the technology linked to the Green Revolution. The Green Revolution is a result of an initiative to resolve the food crisis by increasing crop yields and augmenting aggregate food supplies. By the 1970s it become known as a 'package' consisting of improved seeds, farm technology, better irrigation, and chemical fertilizers.</p><p>We have chosen to use Göran Djurfeldt's, a Swedish professor at the University of Lund, concept of the Green Revolution in Asia. Through his findings, he concludes that the success of the Green Revolution in this area is not only due to the technology but also that the strategy was a state-driven, small-farmer based, and market-mediated which arose due to particular domestic and geopolitical factors.</p><p>By taking this in consideration we conclude that neither the state, market nor the geopolitical context are working in favor of a Green Revolution in Mozambique, however the factors are vital if a Green Revolution will succeed in Niassa. The small farmers have to deal with many obstacles if a Green Revolution will be possible. To summarize the small farmer’s attitude toward the Green Revolution we look at the individual circumstances, the direct surrounding and the society in general. We first concluded that the small farmer does not have much knowledge about the Green Revolution. This makes it hard for her or him to have an opinion neither about it nor about the techniques related to the Green Revolution. Secondly, the small farmer have several reason to why she or he do not want to implement the Green Revolution, due to risk taking, tradition, former bad experiences with new technique etc. Thirdly, there are also numerous obstacles that hinder the small farmer to implement the Green Revolution technology. Those are the small farmer's health and time, the lack of extension workers, the international and the domestic agricultural politics, and the lack of inputs and credits etc.</p>

<p>1.1 billion people are today living without sustainable access to improved water. The debate over the water sector has been dominated by the discussion over whether public or private actors are the most competent to manage it. In this paper the arguments pro and contra the two positions are presented to try to overview the debate and to try to find new ways to approach the question of the people living without clean water. By examining possible alternatives towards the discussion of public and private actors, it might result in some new approaches on how to move closer towards a solution. One alternative is local, small- scale projects which focus on the situation of the targetgroup in most need. I have in this paper tried to find signs of that the debate is changing in a way that would bring positive outcomes for the people living without access to improved water. The debate is changing, both the private as well as the public sector is changing their ways of working and the alternative approach is increasing its influence. Hopefully the debate can move away from the discussion of ideology and acknowledge the strengths of each other to result in possible solutions of the water problems. With the increasing interest and concern for the question of water there is thus an opportunity for a change in the debate that would benefit the ones living without sustainable access to improved water.</p>