<p>The production of meat has risen dramatically during the past decades. This process, generally referred to as the <em>Livestock Revolution</em>, particularly includes so called “developing countries”, hosting the most intensive augmentation of both production and consumption. As agricultural activities often are performed by small-scale farmers in these countries, the principal question for this study has been how family farmers are affected by the <em>Livestock Revolution</em>.</p><p>This study approaches the <em>Livestock Revolution</em> in Brazil, the world’s biggest national exporter of meats and animal feeds, from the small-scale farmer perspective. Drawing on a case study of Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil’s southernmost state, it is argued that family farmers experience multi-level marginalization. Smallholders of pork and poultry face direct marginalization through vertical integration with the large-scale meat processors (the agribusiness). Other family farmers experience marginalization through the actual exclusion from ‘integration’, as the combined corporate forces of agribusiness and supermarket chains control the principal distributive channels. Small-scale farmers also face indirect marginalization as the increasing production of soybeans (used as animal feeds) and large-scale cattle raising create an unfortunate ‘competition for arable land’. Overall, the case study seems to reflect a national tendency, in which the <em>Livestock Revolution</em> intensifies the polarization of the agrarian community in Brazil, thus creating parallel patterns of prosperity for the agribusiness and marginalization for the small-scale farmers.</p><p>As the Food Regime analysis aims to approach the global political economy by analysing agri-food structures, this theoretical approach has been used to contextualize the case of <em>Livestock Revolution</em> in Brazil. From this viewpoint, the <em>Livestock Revolution</em> constitutes an explicit expression of a corporate Food Regime, increasing the power of private companies at the expense of family farmers. However, the Food Regime analysis also identifies divergent patterns of this Third Food Regime, in which the corporate discourse is being challenged by an alternative paradigm of food and agriculture. The marginalization of farmers in rural Brazil has indeed provoked emancipatory responses, including alternative patterns of production and distribution, as well as direct confrontations such as land occupations. This ‘resistance from the margins’ accentuates the conflict between contrasting visions for food and agriculture, apparently embedded in the Food Regime. The farmers’ emancipation is therefore somewhat determined by the rather uncertain progress of the Third Food Regime.</p>

<p>The production of meat has risen dramatically during the past decades. This process, generally referred to as the Livestock Revolution, particularly includes so called “developing countries”, hosting the most intensive augmentation of both production and consumption. As agricultural activities often are performed by small-scale farmers in these countries, the principal question for this study has been how family farmers are affected by the Livestock Revolution.</p><p>This study approaches the  Livestock Revolution in Brazil, the world’s biggest national exporter of meats and animal feeds, from the small-scale farmer perspective. Drawing on a case study of Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil’s southernmost state, it is argued that family farmers experience multi-level marginalization. Smallholders of pork and poultry face direct marginalization through vertical integration  with the large-scale meat processors (the agribusiness). Other family farmers experience marginalization through  the actual exclusion from ‘integration’, as the combined corporate forces of agribusiness and supermarket chains control the principal distributive channels. Small-scale farmers also face indirect marginalization as the increasing production of  soybeans (used as animal feeds) and large-scale cattle raising create an unfortunate ‘competition for arable land’. Overall, the case study seems to reflect a national tendency, in which the  Livestock Revolution intensifies the polarization of the agrarian community in Brazil, thus creating parallel patterns of prosperity for the agribusiness and marginalization for the small-scale farmers.</p><p>As the Food Regime analysis aims to approach the global political economy by analysing agri-food structures, this theoretical approach has been used  to contextualize the case of Livestock Revolution in Brazil. From this viewpoint, the Livestock Revolution constitutes an explicit expression of a corporate Food Regime, increasing the power of private companies at the expense of family farmers. However, the Food Regime analysis also identifies divergent patterns of this Third Food Regime, in which the corporate discourse is being challenged by an alternative paradigm of food and agriculture. The marginalization of farmers in rural Brazil has indeed provoked emancipatory responses, including alternative patterns of production and distribution, as well as direct confrontations such as land occupations. This ‘resistance from the margins’ accentuates the conflict between  contrasting visions for food and agriculture, apparently embedded in the Food Regime. The farmers’ emancipation is therefore somewhat determined by the rather uncertain progress of the Third Food Regime.</p>

<p>Inequalities among different power groups are getting obvious in Kiru Valley, Tanzania mainly due to water scarcity. This paper aims to examine, by a case study, the increasing competition over irrigation water among Kiru Valley farmers in relation to socio-economic stratification. It is possible to divide the examined parts of Kiru Valley farmers into three dif-ferent power groups corresponding to their access to irrigation water. First, large-scale sugar cane farmers owned by Tanzanians with Indian origin located on strategic positions near the main rivers. Second, upstream small-scale rice cultivators receiving water from the IFAD (International Found for Agricultural Development) irrigation system and, third, downstream small-scale farmers cultivating rice in the Mapea wetland. To achieve the objectives in this study, Rapid Rural Appraisal (RRA) techniques have been used and especially wealth rank-ings to measure the socio-economic stratification.</p><p>The wealth rankings demonstrate differences among Kiru Valley farmers. Those farmers connected to the IFAD irrigation system and the large-scale farmers have in higher amount a steady access to irrigation water than farmers cultivating the Mapea wetland. Consequently Mapea farmers are forced to rely on left over water from upstream IFAD farmers and sur-rounding large-scale farmers, leading to unfair distribution patterns and tensions among Kiru Valley farmers.  Finally, it has further been found that access to irrigation water is reflected in household economy. Mapea farmers have less capital goods and households properties com-pared to both IFAD-irrigators and large-scale farmers.</p>

No description available.

<p>Begreppet counterinsurgency har fått stor uppmärksamhet efter 2001 och USA:s militäraengagemang i Afghanistan och Irak. USA har bedrivit ett gediget utvecklingsarbete sedan dess och en ny doktrin för just counterinsurgency presenterades 2006. Redan 1964 utkom fransmannen David Galula med en bok i ämnet. Det har alltså funnits teorier om counterinsurgency sedan dess. Sovjetunionens engagemang i Afghanistan under 1980-talet slutade med att den afghanska kommunistregimen kollapsade. Viljan att vinna konflikten borde ha funnits där och precis som USA har dragit erfarenheter, borde något ha gjorts för att försöka vinna konflikten även på 1980-talet. Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka om de parter som försökte besegra den afghanska motståndsrörelsen gjorde det på ett sätt som kom att likna Galulas teorier om counterinsurgency. Konflikten har analyserats utifrån Galulas teori om upprorsbekämpning med både politiska och militära medel. Analysen har visat att Sovjetunionen och den afghanska kommunistregimen inte utvecklade sitt sättatt hantera konflikten i en riktning som motsvarade Galulas teorier. Den primära politiska orsaken var att regimen förlitade sig på förtryck för att försöka avskräcka motståndssympatier. Detta tillvägagångssätt ledde istället till ökat stöd för motståndsrörelsen. Militärt saknades medlen att befästa närvaro i nya områden där regimen kunde ha börjat utöva inflytande. I förlängningen innebardet att regimen saknade förmåga att bredda sin inflytandesfär.</p> / <p>The term counterinsurgency has received a lot of attention since 2001 and the U.S commitment in Afghanistan and Iraq. The U.S has conducted thorough developmental work since then and a new doctrine on counterinsurgency was presented in 2006. As early as 1964, the Frenchman David Galula issued a book on the subject, and there have existed theories on counterinsurgency ever since. The Soviet Union’s commitment in Afghanistan during the 1980s ended with the collapse of the Afghan communist regime. The will to win the conflict should have been present there, and in the same way that the U.S have capitalized on their experiences something ought to have been done to try to win the conflict during the 1980s. The purpose of this study is to examine whether the parties involved in the fight against the Afghan resistance acted in a way that resembles Galula’s theories on counterinsurgency. The conflict has been analyzed with Galulas theories on how to defeat an insurgency by both political and military means. The analysis has shown that the Soviet Union and the Afghan communist regime did not develop their way of handling the conflict in a way which is consistent with Galula’s theories. The primary political cause was that the regime put its trust in oppression in their attempts to discourage resistance sympathies. This approach resulted in an increase in support for the Afghan resistance rather than the support of the regime. Militarily, the lack of means to secure the regime’s political presence in new areas meant that the regime was unable to broaden its sphere of influence.</p>

<p>This study explores different actors’ perceptions on how the democratization process is being influenced in Kosovo. It is based upon empirical facts gathered during a field study in Kosovo. The material was mainly gathered through interviews with different representatives from international organizations present in Kosovo and with members of the Kosovar political elite.</p><p>The theoretical standpoint in the study draws on the theory of polyarchy for defining the concept of democracy, and the two-level game. The interaction between domestic and international actors within the democratization process is highlighted.</p><p>The conclusions are that different actors are influencing the ongoing democratization process in Kosovo, mainly international external ones acting in several ways and on different levels. This influence is considered by the international community and the domestic political elite to be necessary both for the continued development of democracy and for the preservation of stability. However as the influence has more or less become institutionalized, problems occur when responsibility is handed over to domestic authorities without accountability being made clear.</p>

<p>The purpose of this thesis is to conceptualize the idea of a “digital civil society”. During the latest half-century, technological developments in the areas of information and communication have been increasingly ingrained in everyday-life of many people. Not surprisingly, politics have also been affected by these developments. The concept of a global civil society is getting increasingly fashionable, and it is my belief that this global civil society in many ways is related to the technological developments manifested in the digital revolution. From this point of departure, it is my intent to depict the idea of a digital civil society within a conceptual framework substantiated by a number of cases of collective action where the use of information and communication technologies (ICT) has been instrumental. By doing this, my intention is to see if, and how, the ICT revolution is altering civil society organization, mobilization, advocacy and action.</p><p>The essay has five parts. First, there is a brief introduction of the subject where the main research issues are put forward. The second part describes the methodology and defines the central concepts; global civil society, globalization and the ICT revolution. This framework, elaborated more thoroughly in part three, will serve as both goal and means for the research as it constitutes the research method as well as a potential basis for further research in the area. In part four, a number of cases of civil society collective action are portrayed and analyzed in connection to the conceptual framework. In some of these cases, ICT is used as a way to support and supplement more traditional “offline” collective action whereas in the second part of this chapter, cases of more pure “online action” are described. With the features and characteristics of these case studies in mind, the aim is to identify tendencies supporting the idea of a possibly emerging digital civil society. In the last chapter, there is a discussion concerning the potential characteristics and outcomes of such a digital civil society. I also present a model describing the logic of the conceptual framework and the processes and concepts which are central to this study.</p><p>My conclusions are meant to create an environment conducive to further research on the subjects I have studied. First, it appears as if the logic of “networking” as power structure within civil society is favourable for organization, participation, communication, mobilization and action. As such, the networked, dynamic and horizontal character of the Internet seems to influence the organizational character of many civil society entities. Secondly, the Internet’s ability to allow for many-to-many communication seems to contribute to a broader and more inclusive way to debate issues of all kinds. Thirdly, ICT in some ways appears to “individualize” collective action, a development possibly related to the individual and isolating character of Internet use itself and the relative anonymity which can be enjoyed online. In sum, these findings suggest that the idea of a digital civil society broadens the base of collective action and, to some extent, reduces the costs of participation.</p>

<p>The question of the cultivation of cash crops in Africa south of Sahara has long been debated. We have examined the situation of cash crop cultivation for the peasant of northern Mozambique. What factors are needed for a peasant to be able to choose to cultivate cash crops and what are the effects on the peasant’s situation when cultivating cash crops? With help from James C. Scott’s theories about food security and the safety first principle see how the possibilities are for the peasant to grow cash crops.</p><p>By using the Lewis two-sector model we have examined the possibilities for a peasant of northern Mozambique abilities to make the transition from the agricultural sector to the industrial sector. We found this model insufficient to explain the transition of labour in the Mozambican society. The model needs two additional sectors to fully explain the transition in Mozambique. These sectors, cash crop and semi-industrial, are needed because the transition is too far in terms of productivity and technology. An extensive cash crop production is therefore important for the economic development. We have also found that food security is important for the peasants in order to start growing cash crops.</p>

This thesis addresses how sports can encourage social cohesion amongst youth in Dili, Timor Leste. It is a case study, conducted in Timor Leste and is based on interviews with staff working at organizations that offer sport for peace programs as well as with other interested parties. The sport for peace programs involves youth in and around Dili and were initiated as a peace-building method. The communication aspect is analyzed through a participatory communication approach. The thesis investigates sports effect on social behavior from a sport pshycology perspective. It brings up both challenges and improvements for the sport for peace programs. The thesis also show the positive aspects of using sports as a tool for social cohesion.

聯合國教育科學暨文化組織（UNESCO，以下簡稱聯合國教科文組織）於1972年11月在第17屆大會上通過了《保護世界文化和自然遺產公約》（Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage，以下簡稱《世界遺產公約》），明確定義具有「突出的普遍價值」（Outstanding Universal Value）的世界文化和自然等兩項遺產要件，鼓勵各簽約國將所轄領土內符合條件的遺產地申請列入《世界遺產名錄》（The World Heritage List），並規定相關的積極維護措施，配合相關的國際政府間組織與非政府組織協力運作，共同組成建制體系，尋求世界各國政府與人民齊力合作，以支持並永久保護珍貴的「世界遺產」。 由於成為「世界遺產」之後，具有多面性的實質功效，除了足以大幅提升當地的國際知名度外，在政治方面可宣揚國家能力，提高國際整體能見度；在經濟方面可因觀光資源開發，帶動相關產業發展；在財政方面可因國際援助和旅客增長而豐富營收；在社會方面可提升公民意識，追求更高的文明水準；在文化方面則可增加對民族情感的認同，有助全民意志的凝聚，並且可達到教育百姓，提升國民素質的目的；在生態環境上則可召喚民眾保護意識，促進人類與環境平衡的永續發展。因此各締約國無不努力將國境內符合要件的文化遺跡、建物和自然環境、保護區等處所提名申請列入《世界遺產名錄》，所以《世界遺產名錄》中的名單因此逐年持續擴加，世界遺產建制更成為聯合國教科文組織最具成效的國際運作體系。 中國大陸並非《世界遺產公約》最早的締約國之一，事實上中國大陸雖早已於1971年取得聯合國中的中國代表權而同時成為聯合國教科文組織的會員國，但遲至1985年時才正式通過加入《世界遺產公約》。然而在短短二十餘年間，已成為最積極參與世界遺產建制體系的國家之一，不但登錄在《世界遺產名錄》中的世界遺產地高達35處，在數量上僅次於義大利和西班牙，居全球第三位。而且對於公約建制體系內的相關機構，無論是依照《世界遺產公約》所組成的締約國大會、世界遺產委員會，或是在建制體系中的相關協力諮詢國際組織，都積極主動參與並支持其歷次活動。同時在國內方面，為了貫徹世界遺產的理念，除了有關法令制度的革新外，也參照「世界遺產」制度，開始規劃建立「國家遺產」制度，推動「文化遺產日」，以及鼓勵與世界遺產有關的各項活動等。在政府與民間團體的大力宣揚，加上「世界遺產」本身就具有多方潛在利益的驅動下，於是近幾年終於在中國大陸各地掀起一片世界遺產熱潮。 這一波至今仍未有稍歇的世界遺產熱潮，當然與中國大陸的國力大幅提升有關。如同前述，「世界遺產」有政治、經濟、社會、文化和環保等實質效果，對中國大陸的政府與人民來說，「世界遺產」能創造立即而明顯的多方利益，因此具有足夠的動力驅策相關各界共同參與。但「世界遺產」無疑是一個完全外來的觀念，如何能在短時間內於中國大陸各地引起熱潮，讓各級政府和各種組織團體乃至一般百姓皆趨之若鶩，無寧是一個值得深入探討的研究主題。事實上，「世界遺產」的迅速發展，與中國大陸官方的支持密不可分。特別是自改革開放以來，中國大陸在戰略觀與對外政策上都逐漸發生重大演變，從一貫主張的「鬥爭與對抗」思維，正式走進「和平與發展」為戰略觀主軸的時代。並且由中共第四代領導正式提出「和諧世界」與「和諧社會」兩項政策，以「和諧」為名，期望將對外與對內政策互相連結，相輔相成，以利中國大陸後續的多方面發展與國力成長。在此特殊的背景下，中國大陸成功參與世界遺產建制的經驗，對於期待崛起成為世界性大國的中國大陸也就格外具有意義，其間的關連與影響頗值加以探究，並作為中國大陸在其它國際組織參與上之對照參考，進而對中國大陸的國際參與行為作出解釋和預測。