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Since 1991, NATO has played a prominent role in peacekeeping and peace enforcement in the Balkans and Afghanistan. Despite NATO’s role in peacekeeping, there is little literature that compares the efficacy of NATO and UN peace enforcement operations. However, some existing literature suggests that NATO peacekeepers should be able to use coercion more effectively than UN peacekeepers, whereas UN peacekeepers should be to use inducement and persuasion more effectively than NATO peacekeepers. This paper uses a small-N most similar case design and the process tracing method to investigate how effective NATO peace enforcement is at reducing war intensity compared to UN peace enforcement. This paper also studies how NATO and UN peacekeepers use coercion, inducement and persuasion to reduce war intensity during peace enforcement operations. Based on a case study comparing the NATO IFOR operation in Bosnia to the UN UNOSOM II operation Somalia, this paper finds that NATO peace enforcement operations reduce war intensity to a greater degree than UN peace enforcement operations. Furthermore, this paper also finds that NATO peacekeepers use coercion, inducement and persuasion more effectively than UN peacekeepers.

Throughout the past few decades, accusations of sexual exploitation and abuse by peacekeepers have emerged against the United Nations, ultimately proving to be true. This thesis investigates the UN’s own narrative surrounding sexual misconduct of its peacekeeping personnel, identifying the dominant frames present within UN response to these events. Investigating these frames is a vital contribution to research within SEA, as understanding every angle of an issue can lead to a more competent approach to eventual solutions. Press releases, reports, transcribed interviews, and policy documents are analyzed using framing analysis to do so. Three frames are suggested as reference points, with opportunity for new frames to present themselves during analysis of the material. Ultimately, the study proposes that four multiple frames are present within the UN discourse, however three are of distinct influence, and two are clearly dominant. Finally, the study comes to the conclusion that the UN frames sexual violence perpetrated by peacekeeper as a primarily systemic issue, with individual peacekeepers responsibility playing a secondary role. Further research is encouraged within the field of study, specifically in regards to the ways other actors within the peacekeeping context frame SEA.

Various studies have shown the difficulty for peacekeeping missions to combat conflict-related sexual violence, including the abuse within their own ranks. Both policymakers and academics advocate for the inclusion of civil society in peacekeeping missions claiming that this can aid peacekeepers in this endeavour. However, there are no large-N studies examining this relationship. In this thesis, I aim to fill this gap by asking the research question: What impact does civil society have on peacekeeping missions’ ability to combat conflict-related sexual violence? I theorise that civil society inclusion can help reduce sexual violence by increasing knowledge of the local conflict dynamics and assisting with concrete projects. The theoretical argument is captured in two hypotheses where 1) civil society presence, and 2) broad peacekeeping mandates are two determinants of whether sexual violence likelihood will decrease. Using a sample of United Nations peacekeeping missions between 1991-2019 I test both hypotheses using logistic regression. The overall results generate weak support for the hypotheses. Nonetheless, there is an indication that combining civil society with broad mandates decreases the likelihood of government-perpetrated sexual violence. I conclude that more research must be dedicated to preventing future victims of war’s oldest crime.

United Nations (UN) Charter Article 42 authorizes the Security Council to take military action by air, sea or land if non-armed solutions fail to restore international peace and Article 43 states that UN members will keep troops and equipment available for the use of the Security Council. However, Article 43 never went into effect, leaving the UN without an alternative to diplomatic solutions. Canada’s UN representative, Lester Pearson Bowles, proposed instituting peacekeeping missions to address this handicap and Secretary General Dag Hammarskjold established a peacekeeping framework, which included: agreement from the Security Council, agreement by parties involved, readiness of UN members to support mission, and the existence of a peace agreement. However, the UN’s peacekeeping framework is often violated to address complex threats to international peace. This thesis will present an analysis of the UN peacekeeping framework and the UN Observer Mission in El Salvador (ONUSAL) and the UN Verification Mission in Guatemala (MINUGUA) to establish how the conflict in El Salvador and Guatemala determined ONUSAL’s and MINUGUA’s missions and how these deviate from the UN peacekeeping framework. The purpose of this study is to establish specific modifications that must be made to the classic UN peacekeeping framework based on conflict specifics to prevent UN peacekeeping failures.

When UN peacekeeping forces engage in unauthorized actions the question of which entity, the UN or the troop contributing nation, can be held responsible arises. UN peacekeeping forces are generally not considered to be UN subsidiary organs, but organs of the state put at the disposal of the UN. Therefore, a conduct of the peacekeeping force is attributable to the UN if it exercises effective control over that conduct.  The presumptive view of the effective control test consists of a presumption and a rebuttal phase. The conduct of a UN peacekeeping force is presumed to be attributable to the UN. If national contingents follow instructions from their contributing state and therefore fall out of the effective control of the UN, the presumption is rebutted. The presumptive view may, however, lead to responsibility gaps by presuming attribution to the UN, which enjoys immunity in national courts leaving victims without effective remedies. Dual attribution creates a possibility of attributing one conduct not only to the UN but also to the troop contributing nation. By applying dual attribution on conduct of UN Peacekeeping Forces some responsibility gaps could be avoided. If this possibility will be used in the future to ensure victims effective remedies, is up to the courts to decide.

The United Nations has a long history of peacekeeping missions. These have evolved over time but since the end of the Cold War there has been rapid growth in those missions where the remit placed on the peacekeepers, both military and civilian, is more complex and demanding. In trying to define these missions and their mandates a wide range of terminology has been developed in an effort to describe the exact nature of the mission. Since many of these deployments take place into theatres where there is no peace to keep, or where a fragile peace reverts to a conflict situation such tight definitions often lead to the troops involved no longer having an appropriate mandate. More recently some of these larger missions constitute in fact interventions to impose peace. Attempts to find a `peace¿ classification for such deployments often confuse the issue rather than bring clarity. In reality these missions are not peacekeeping at all. The almost forgotten doctrine, principles and practices of Counterinsurgency provide a better framework for defining these missions, the respective roles of the key players and the factors necessary to bring success.

The purpose of this research project is to examine the role of conflict resolution in training programmes for military peacekeepers. It offers a significant contribution to the conflict resolution literature by providing contemporary analysis of where further manifestations exist of the links between military peacekeeping and the academic study of conflict resolution. The thesis firstly provides a thorough analysis of where conflict resolution scholars have sought to critique and influence peacekeeping. This is mirrored by a survey of policy stemming from the United Nations (UN) in the period 1999-2010. The thesis then undertakes a survey of the role of civil-military cooperation: an area where there is obvious crossover between military peacekeeping and conflict resolution terminology. This is achieved firstly through an analysis of practitioner reports and academic research into the subject area, and secondly through a fieldwork analysis of training programmes at the UN Training School Ireland, and Royal Military Training Academy 4 Sandhurst (RMAS). The thesis goes on to provide a comprehensive examination of the role of negotiation for military peacekeepers. This examination incorporates a historical overview of negotiation in the British Army, a sampling of peacekeeping literature, and finally fieldwork observations of negotiation at RMAS. The thesis discusses how this has impacted significantly on conceptions of military peacekeepers from both the military and conflict resolution fields. The thesis adds considerably to contemporary debates over cosmopolitan forms of conflict resolution. Firstly it outlines where cosmopolitan ethics are entering into military training programmes, and how the emergence of institutionalised approaches in the UN to ¿human security¿ and peacebuilding facilitate this. Secondly, the thesis uses Woodhouse and Ramsbotham¿s framework to link the emergence of cosmopolitan values in training programmes to wider structural changes at a global level.

This thesis considers whether donor countries that contribute with foreign aid to a recipientcountry also contribute with peacekeeping troops. The question is premised on the idea thatforeign aid serves as a proxy for national interest. Employing rigorous regression analysis witha high-dimensional fixed effects linear estimator, the study analyses a comprehensive datasetof country dyads that covers 30 year (1990-2019) and comprises 157 donor/origin countriesand 43 recipient/destination countries. I find a positive and significant relationship betweenforeign aid and troop, indicating that that sending foreign aid to a country is positivelyassociated with an increase in sending peacekeeping troops to that country.