本論文的撰寫基於一個前設：緯書之出現，本非為釋經而生；並以此為基礎，析論經、緯關係，及其衍生之政治相關議題。傳統見解中，認為緯書的出現乃經學之附生產品，緯書的內容，係為釋經、而附以其政治任務而生。本文並無意挑戰緯書乃政治鬥爭產物之觀點，只是要說緯書乃因釋經而生，則不符西漢的儒學發展演變。 / 儒學世界中，真正為經學附庸者，乃章句而非緯學。任何事物的出現，必然有其偶然與必然性，撇除難以探討的偶然性問題，若說緯學乃出自釋經所需，則其將缺乏形成的必然性；因為自宣帝、元帝間始，儒學各經派對自身經書的章句之學已進入高速發展期，以萬字釋一言乃師法之內的家常之事，緯學若然是釋經之作，則其出現實屬多餘。 / 本文認為，緯學係作為博士經學、古學以外出現的第三道政治學術主流。經學上的博士經學體系，雖然系出董仲舒，難免沾染災異之說，但五經之中，除了後成的《禮記》，大體上仍然保持其「純潔」，緯學的出現，乃為對政治混局預占之所需，配合董氏以來齊學的災異傳統而發展起來的獨立學派，此即張禹口中的「新學」。必須重新評估新學的獨立性，方能掌握白虎觀後，緯學、博士經學、古學三川並流的學術「定局」。 / 所以，本文將主要分為兩大部分，第一部分包含第一及第二章，主要探討形成博士經學體系、古學體系與緯學體系的學術歷史環境；因為經學史的演進部分，研究已汗牛充棟，本文集中討論的是形成這個政治學術環境的背境因素。 / 第二部分包含第三及第四章，主要探討緯學在兩漢之際的儒學體系中的角色。東漢中前期形成三學並立的局面，源起成帝對新學的提拔，此新學本文稱為成哀新學，其除對齊學傳統的災異之說有所繼承外，更係對西漢一代可資運用的「一切資源」加以包納，形成一個「百科全書」式的學派綱目。基於王莽與劉秀對新學的「神化」，令其成為「儒教」在兩漢之際實踐神道設教的核心，地位更凌駕於博士經系之上。本部分即對此現象之形成加以綜述。 / 簡單而言，本文將視「博士經學」「古學經學」「緯學」為漢代儒學中的三個重要組成部分，而儒學思想，則作為三者溝通、乃至相互影響的橋樑；不過，此橋樑本身，亦係三者之體系形成過程中，方始形成的觀念；換言之，本文旨在透過理解此體系之形成，以釐清漢代儒學發展中的部分關鍵。 / To exmaine the development of Ru learning in early Han Dynasty through the study of its formation process has so far received relatively less attention, as scholars mostly took it for granted that Ru classics were mostly formed during the Warring States. However, the Ru classics as we know today had simply not yet been compiled in early Han, but fragmented pieces of allegedly writings of ancient authors, with ample rooms for further and necessary intreptation. In other words, without the deconstruction, and reconstruction, of the Han Confucians, the concept of Classics (jing) would only remain empty. This thesis, thus, would focus on how and why Ru classics were constructed. / The first chapter provides a brief history on the formation and changes of the Five Classics, together with an introduction of the background of the Han intellectual world at its very beginning; as well as an analysis of the ways that the Central government and different localities interacted in order to facilitate the initial stage of Han Ru development. / The second chapter will study the formative years of Ru participation in Han politics, and suggest that it started as early as Wendi 文帝while it was traditionally thought to be the great achievement of Wudi 武帝. The chapter will demonstrate how Wendi and Jingdi 景帝struggled to promote Ru learnings during their rules. And thus the chapter would lead to the conclusion that Wudi’s policy of exclusive promotion of Ru was nothing more than the legacy of his father and grandfather. Nevertheless, this chapter will make a further inquiry into this formative period through the study of New Book 賈誼《新書》to illustrate its characterisitcs. Following that, a section on the “Qi tradition齊學of Han Ru will be introduced and its unique and important role in the Ru system will be emphasized by examining the development of Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒 and his works on the Gongyang traditions 公羊學. The chapter concludes the formative era by discussing the book of Yantieyuan《鹽鐵論》 to show that the basic ideas and structure of the Ru system was a quasi-established one immediately after the ruling years of Wudi. Core principles made up by the majority faction in Qixue will rule in the names of Jing 經, Chang 常 and suppress principles of Quan 權, Bian 變 found in Wudi’s rules. / The third chapter, instead of focusing on the ideological and intellectual changes, deals with how real-politik exerted its great influence on the stabilizing period. The once forgotten Quan-Bian faction rose again during this late Western-Han period as a result of fierece political struggles among different parties alongside with the ideological disuptues between the Jinwen and Guwen schools. The chapter will try to foster a new concept under the term of Cheng-Ai Neoism to illustrate the uprising of the studies of Chen Prophecy and Apocrypha as a result of Qixue traditions and political turmoil. / The last chapter will supplement the previous chapters by introducing the origins of Apocrypha and how its development affected the construction and development of Ru Classics and how it was applied in real-politik. The chapter would also like to argue that without Apocrypha, the so-called Ru system would not be a matured one through the studies of Bangu’s Baihu-tongyi. And the chapter would conclude the thesis by stating that with the matured development in both Classics and Apocrypha, the systematic construction of Han Ru system was finally established as a result. / To conclude, this thesis aims to examine different stages of development that finally led to the formation of Han Ru system which affected the intellectual and political development of Han and post-Han dynasties. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 趙鍾維. / "2013年7月". / "2013 nian 7 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 204-215). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Zhao Zhongwei. / Chapter 緒論： --- 前人研究與討論空間 --- p.V / Chapter 壹、 --- 總論：秦火之後的齊學世界 --- p.1 / Chapter 1. --- 先秦無經學 --- p.1 / Chapter 2. --- 經學觀念形成於漢武帝朝 --- p.2 / Chapter 3. --- 由殘簡至經學 --- p.9 / Chapter 4. --- 先秦下層思想於漢初的「逆向上流」 --- p.41 / Chapter 5. --- 地方與中央構建 --- p.49 / Chapter 貳、 --- 中央政治與齊經學構建 --- p.58 / Chapter 1. --- 漢初用儒 --- p.58 / Chapter 2. --- 漢武尊儒 --- p.76 / Chapter 3. --- 鹽鐵會議 --- p.100 / Chapter 參、 --- 齊儒治世與成哀新學 --- p.112 / Chapter 1. --- 甘露論儒 --- p.112 / Chapter 2. --- 漢季禮爭：博士經與王氏始交 --- p.116 / Chapter 3. --- 河平校書 --- p.120 / Chapter 4. --- 移書讓太常博士 --- p.124 / Chapter 5. --- 成哀新學 --- p.126 / Chapter 6. --- 王莽與漢晚儒學 --- p.128 / Chapter 肆、 --- 讖緯體系 --- p.130 / Chapter 1. --- 緯學體系 --- p.130 / Chapter 2. --- 緯學發展簡論 --- p.151 / Chapter 3. --- 讖緯干政 --- p.158 / Chapter 4. --- 讖緯干經 --- p.182 / Chapter 5. --- 經緯平議 --- p.185 / Chapter 6. --- 白虎通論 --- p.195 / Chapter 伍、 --- 結論 --- p.202 / p.204

本文處理的問題是「先秦儒家哲學中的情感」，具體的內容涉及「情感與詩、歌、禮、樂」、「情感與家庭」、「情感與生死」和「情感與道德」四個主題。其中，重要的主題是「情感與生死」，最核心的主題是「情感與道德」。在對先秦儒家經典中的情感語詞及其所關聯的情感現象進行細緻分析的基礎上，筆者重點考察相關的情感現象如何關聯於先秦儒家對「情感」與「道」、「德」的理解和經驗，進而深入考察其中可能的關聯是什麼。基於研究所得的結論，筆者提出：「先秦儒家重『情』，認為『哀、樂』或『喜、怒、哀、悲』是人生而具有的基本情感，是人性本有的內涵，其終極來源是天」這一基本看法。就具體的情感現象來看，孔子在面對「顏回之死」這一事件發生的當時，其直接的情感反應是「哭之慟」。筆者的問題是：「顏回死時，孔子已知天命，既已知天命，為何還會因『顏回之死』而『哭之慟』？」基於圍繞此問題展開的分析和研究筆者發現：孔子是以「情感」的方式理解和經驗「我與天」、「我與道」、「我與己」、「己與人」這兩個維度、四個面向的關係和「他人之死」的情感現象，他對天實有的情感是「敬畏」、「畏懼」，對縱向維度的未聞之道實有的情感是「期盼」。 / 筆者認為，自孔子開始的以「情感」的方式理解、經驗「生命」、「生死」、「道」與「德」影響其後學、孟子、荀子和《禮記》的作者，筆者在各主題中結合文本分析孔子為何會有這樣的理解和經驗，及其如何影響後世的思想家。筆者提出，應當結合以《詩經》為代表的文學傳統和以《論語》為代表的哲學傳統來考察先秦儒家對情感的理解和經驗；孔子的「哭之慟」之情感現象反映出孔子的心靈在當時真實感受到的悲傷之情。在本文各章研究所得結論的基礎上，筆者發現：先秦儒家承認「情感與人」、「情感與生死」之間存在著固有的關聯。簡單總結：在先秦儒家的理解和信念中，「人是有情的活物。」孔子生命中所有的對「天命」的畏懼及其對能「聞道」的期盼之情正是人之「有情」的真實體現。 / This thesis focuses on the question of "Emotions in Pre-Qin Confucian Philosophy", which mainly relates to four topics including "Emotion and Poem, Song, Rites, Music", "Emotion and Family", "Emotion and Life, Death", "Emotion and Dao, De". The important topic is "Emotion and Life, Death", the most core topic is "Emotion and Dao, De". I will discuss them based on this internal relationship among the four topics. Have made in-depth research into classical texts in Pre-Qin Confucian Philosophy, my point in this essay is that "The Pre-Qin Confucians were highly valued the role of Emotions, they took ‘grief and joy’ or ‘happiness, anger, sadness, grief’ as basic type of Emotions, which originate from Heaven, as well as is inborn content of human nature." When Confucian faced "the death of Yan Hui", his direct emotional reaction was "bitterly cried out". This emotional phenomenon poses a question to me: If Confucian have already known what "Heaven" wanted him to do, why he still cried so bitterly for "the death of Yan Hui"? I find that Confucian understood and experienced "Heaven and I", "Dao and I", "Myself and I", "You and I" which exhibited two dimensions and four aspects formations, as well as the phenomenon of "the Death of the Other" in emotional way. Confucian’s true feeling toward "Heaven" is "awe" or "fear", and his actual feeling to "the Unknown Dao" is "Hope". / My view is that Confucian opened a tradition focuses on understanding and experiencing "Life", "Life and Death" , "Dao" and "De" by the way of emotions connected to emotional phenomena which influenced his disciples, Mencius, Hsun Tzu, etc. It is needed to study "emotional phenomena" in the literature tradition which The Book of Songs started and philosophy tradition which originated from Analects. In the end, I come to the conclusion how Confucian’s viewed "Emotion and Life and Death": "People are inborn with Emotions." And Confucian’s emotional feeling toward "Tian Ming" was fear, his life had a specific hope to hear from "Dao". / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 劉妮. / Thesis submitted: October 2013. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 254-263). / Abstracts also in English. / Liu Ni.

The Confucian thoughts in the transition period from Ming to Qing Dynasty indicate the trend to pull down the transcendent world to the real world. This means the "immanent monism tendency", which is to internalize the transcendent li within the experiential qi. The "immanent monism tendency" is the most obvious feature in the Jishan School. This thesis focuses on Huang Zongxi's thoughts and takes the "immanent monism tendency" as the clue to expose the inner logic in the Ming-Qing academic transformation. The thoughts of "immanent monism tendency" emerge in Mid-Ming period. There are two reasons behind it: one is anti-Buddhism and the other comes from the pursuit of the most fundamental moral self-cultivation in the School of Mind. The two converge upon Liu Zongzhou's thoughts, which are inherited by Huang Zongxi, who then develops the "immanent monism tendency" to an extreme form. Huang Zongxi emphasizes qi as the first order concept and completely internalizes the transcendent li within qi. Both his xin-xing and moral self-cultivation are based upon the li-qi theory. Through the Principle with Many Manifestation, Huang Zongxi combines traditional mind-reason thought with his ultimate concern on administration and practical usage. In conclusion, Huang Zongxi's philosophical thoughts are the transition form In the phase of the Ming-Qing academic transformation, in which the "immanent monism tendency" plays a key role. / 秦峰. / Submitted: 2010年11月. / Submitted: 2010 nian 11 yue. / Adviser: Cheng Chungxi. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 73-04, Section: A, page: . / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 269-279). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [201-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Qin Feng.

張家輝. / 論文(哲學碩士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院歷史學部, 1997. / 參考文獻: leaves 169-175. / Zhang Jiahui. / 論文提要 --- p.i / 圖表索引 --- p.iv / 引論 --- p.I / Chapter 第一章 --- 分析架構：當代詮釋學 --- p.1 / Chapter 1. --- 詮釋多元化的呼喚 / Chapter 2. --- 「創造的詮釋學」理論 / Chapter 第二章 --- 中國儒學的「道統」觀念 --- p.21 / Chapter 1. --- 儒家道統說的涵義及其發展 / Chapter 2. --- 硏究道統觀證成的幾種模式 / Chapter 3. --- 朱熹的歷史地位 / Chapter 第三章 --- 「集大成」的朱熹 --- p.46 / Chapter 1. --- 整個文化大傳統即是道統 / Chapter 2. --- 朱熹對先秦及北宋諸儒的繼承 / Chapter 第四章 --- 錢穆的詮釋視界及其形成背景 --- p.72 / Chapter 1. --- 錢穆與無錫世界 / Chapter 2. --- 東西文化優劣比較與和合性 / Chapter 第五章 --- 「別子爲宗」的朱熹 --- p.87 / Chapter 1. --- 廣義的道統觀 / Chapter 2. --- 第一期：初訪朱子世界 / Chapter 3. --- 第二期：「道德形上學」之建立與朱子的不透 / Chapter 4. --- 第三期：牟氏朱子學的「轉出」 / Chapter 5. --- 第四期：貞定圓教模型 / Chapter 第六章 --- 牟宗三的詮釋視界及其形成背景 --- p.133 / Chapter 1. --- 熊十力與唐君毅對牟宗三的影響 / Chapter 2. --- 從心理角度透視牟宗三的「開出說」 / Chapter 3. --- 小結 / 總結 --- p.164 / 參考書目 --- p.169

吳啓超. / "2003年5月". / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2003. / 參考文獻 (leaves 107-108). / 附中英文摘要. / "2003 nian 5 yue". / Wu Qichao. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2003. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 107-108). / Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / 引言 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一章： --- 在哲學史背景下確立本文的中心課題 --- p.3 / Chapter 1. --- 探究之方法 --- p.3 / Chapter 2. --- 孔子的「禮」、「義」、「仁」 --- p.6 / Chapter 3. --- 孔子對隱逸之態度 --- p.20 / Chapter 4. --- 郭店儒簡的立論要旨 --- p.26 / Chapter 5. --- 孟子的德性義之「禮」 --- p.30 / Chapter 6. --- 中心課題之確立 --- p.38 / Chapter 第二章： --- 儒簡理論分析 --- p.40 / Chapter 1. --- 《性自命出》的「禮作於情」 --- p.41 / Chapter 2. --- 《性自命出》的「性」、「情」、「心」 --- p.48 / Chapter 3. --- 眾篇對踐禮之重要性的論述，及兩條基本原 則 --- p.69 / Chapter 4. --- 《五行》´ؤ´ؤ儒簡與孟子之間的過渡 --- p.79 / Chapter 附錄： --- 儒簡各篇之內容簡述 --- p.93 / 參考書目 --- p.107

University of Macau / Faculty of Education