Ph. D. : Hist. : Yale University (Conn.) : 198? / Texte remanié de : Doct.-Diss. : Philosophy : New Haven, Yale university : 1980. Bibliogr. p. 371-382 Notes bibliogr. Index.

L’île de Saint-Domingue a gravé pour toujours dans la mémoire collective le souvenir de l’esclavage des noirs. Mais l’histoire de cette île ne se résume pas au malheureux sort des milliers d’Africains transportés dans cette colonie où ils furent réduits à n’être que des instruments de travail. Elle est aussi et avant tout l’histoire de ces nombreux Européens, avides de richesses, qui s’y ruèrent dans le but, soit d’acquérir une fortune qu’ils avaient du mal à se faire en métropole, soit d’accroître un potentiel déjà acquis. Les Galliffet dont nous nous proposons d’étudier l’expérience à travers cette recherche font partie de la seconde catégorie.Vers la fin du XVIIe siècle, ils acquéraient à Saint-Domingue par le biais Joseph de Galliffet (Gouverneur de Saint-Domingue de 1700 à 1703), leur premier bien situé à la Petite Anse dans la Plaine du Nord. Un siècle plus tard, ils étaient propriétaires de plusieurs milliers de carreaux de terres et de cinq habitations prospères, comptant un millier d’esclaves et dont les revenus les hissèrent au sommet d’une des plus grandes fortunes coloniales de l’île, mais aussi de France. L’histoire des Galliffet, si elle ne diffère pas trop de celle de bien d’autres planteurs, dont certains ont déjà fait l’objet de travaux (les Cottineau, les Noé, les Laborde, les Beauharnais), fascine en de nombreux points qui nous interpellent. Ainsi nous nous intéresserons à leur mode d’accession aux habitations, à l’organisation du travail sous la houlette du gérant, Nicolas Odelucq, de même qu’à sa façon de mener ‘’le cheptel humain’’ chargé des travaux. Nous nous pencherons également sur le rendement des plantations après leur rachat par les Galliffet. Par ailleurs, il courait à Saint-Domingue l’expression suivante : « heureux comme les esclaves à Galliffet ». Un bref rappel des conditions de vie des esclaves ne sera donc pas exclu, même si la question a, semble-t-il, déjà été évoquée dans une étude plus générale sur les habitations de la Plaine du nord par Karen Bourdier dans sa thèse soutenue en 2005 ou encore par Elyette Benjamin-Labarthe et Éric Dubesset dans un ouvrage commun. Le travail dans son ensemble sera basé sur des documents d’archives contenant des livres de comptes, des actes notariés de vente ou de conclusion de partenariat entre les Galliffet et leurs associés. On y étudiera aussi la correspondance personnelle des Galliffet avec leur gérant, dont nous attendons de précieux renseignements; notamment sur la vie quotidienne des habitations. Une série d’inventaires réalisés sur celles-ci dans les années 1770, 1780 et 1790, nous informeront sur les maladies des esclaves, leur taux de natalité et de mortalité, la division des tâches quotidiennes sur les différentes habitations. Enfin, il sera aussi question de voir les effets des révolutions (française et haïtienne) sur l'avenir des habitations Galliffet. / L'auteur n'a pas fourni de résumé en anglais

This work demonstrates the connections that exist in rhetoric and planning between the Irish plantation projects in the Ards, Munster , Ulster and the Jamestown colony in Virginia . The planners of these projects focused on the creation of internal stability rather than the mission to 'civilize' the natives. The continuity between these projects is examined on several points: the rhetoric the English used to describe the native peoples and the lands to be colonized, who initiated each project, funding and financial terms, the manner of establishing title, the manner of granting the lands to settlers, and the status the natives were expected to hold in the plantation. Comparison of these points highlights the early English colonial idea and the variance between rhetoric and planning.

This thesis offers an analysis of labour relations and social space in the tea gardens of north-east India. Existing literature provides us with an understanding of how the plantations operate as economic spaces, but in so doing they treat workers as undifferentiated economic beings defined only by their class identity. Space, however, has to be animated to be meaningful. Through participant observation and semi-structured interviews I explore the plantations as actual lived spaces where people are bound by and resist constraints. Multiple intersecting identities play out within these social spaces making them ethnic, religious, and caste spaces in addition to being gendered. Focusing on these intersectional identities, I demonstrate how region, ethnicity, party affiliation, caste, religion are played out and how they are invoked at certain points by the women workers. The articulations of identity not only determine a sense of belonging or non-belonging to a space but also how one belongs. Within the physical sites of the plantation, I examine how the women perceive these spaces and how, in moving between ideas of home/world, public/private, these very binaries are negated. The strict sexual division of labour primarily in the workplace but also in the household and villages inscribe the physical sites with certain gendered meanings and performances. The women negotiate these in their everyday lives and shape these spaces even as they are shaped by them. Conditioned by gender norms and the resultant hierarchy their narratives can be read as stories of deprivation and misery, but looking deeper their agency can also be uncovered. The lives of my research participants show how the social spaces within which they operate are not static; in spite of spatial controls there are the many minute acts of resistance through which the women work the existing restraints to their least disadvantage. Focussing on the minute acts of insubordination, deceit and even confrontation I elucidate how the women made use of the relations of subordination to pave spaces of resistance and sometimes even of autonomy. Furthermore, not all acts of agency are minute or unspectacular. I map instances of highly visible, volatile and aggressive protests apparently challenging the accepted social codes within which they function. In expressing themselves, the women use the available political repertories of protest in forms of strikes, blockades, street plays, etc. Through these instances of activism they appropriate and become visible in the public realm and challenge the accepted ways in which social spaces and norms play out. Despite their articulate nature, these protests usually seek to address immediate demands and do not escalate into social movements. Also while volatile in action, the protests seek legitimacy within the accepted gender codes that operate in their everyday life in the plantation.

Despite the long time since the introduction and spread of pine plantations in southern hemisphere countries there has been no study of the suitability of this exotic and novel type of vegetation on the native avifauna. This thesis aims to add understanding of this habitat replacement and its effects on the forest bird community. This research included a series of studies to assess the quality of mature pine plantations for the forest avifauna in comparison to what is in native forests. The first two studies determine the effects on the forest bird community of the fragmentation and replacement of native forest in a gradient of substitution. The results showed a direct relationship between level of substitution and loss of functional diversity, and that fragmentation predicts the bird assemblage in pine stands. The next two studies used data from an intensive ringing season to assess differences in the condition of populations inhabiting each habitat. Birds, in general, were found in better condition in native fragments than in pine plantations. Moreover, a despotic distribution was determined for a migrant species and a gradient in habitat quality was found in relation to proximity to native forest. The next two studies used information from a nest-box survey set in a gradient of sites with substitution of native forest. The results showed that the type of forest cover and their proportion in the landscape may affect the breeding performance of some species. Finally, in the last study I evaluated the foraging niche of bird species in each habitat. Compared with native forest, niche breath reduced while the niche overlap increased in pine plantations for most species. The results suggest that pine plantations are poor quality habitat for the bird community and that the substitution of native forests increases selective pressure.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Brigham Young University. Dept. of History, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 289-299).

Texte remanié de: Diss.--Atlanta--Emory University. / Bibliogr. p. [197]-218. Index.

Texte remanié de: Thèse de doctorat--Histoire--Toulouse 2, 2004. / Bibliogr. p. 383-408. Notes bibliogr. Index. Résumés en français, espagnol et anglais. Diff. en France.

Diss. (sammanfattning). Uppsala : Sveriges lantbruksuniv., 2003. / Härtill 4 uppsatser.

In Chile’s neoliberal economy, large-scale timber plantations controlled by national and multinational forest corporations have expanded significantly on traditional indigenous territories. Chile’s forestry sector began to expand rapidly in 1974, the year following the military coup, owing to the privatization of forest lands and the passing of Decree 701. That law continues to provide large subsidies for afforestation, as well as tax exemptions for plantations established after 1974. As a consequence, conflicts have developed between indigenous communities and forestry companies, with the latter actively supported by government policies. The Mapuche people, the largest indigenous group in Chile, have been demanding the right to control their own resources. Meanwhile, they have been bearing the physical and social costs of the forestry sector’s growth. Since democracy returned to Chile in 1990, governments have done little to strengthen the rights of indigenous peoples. Government policy in this area is ill-defined; it consists mainly of occasional land restitution and monetary compensation when conflicts with the Mapuche threaten to overheat. This, however, is coupled with heavy-handed actions by the police and the legal system against Mapuche individuals and groups. From a political ecology perspective, this thesis examines how indigenous communities resort to various political strategies to accommodate, resist, and/or negotiate as political-economic processes change, and how these responses in turn shape natural resource management and, it follows, the local environment. My findings are that the environmental and social impacts associated with landscape transformation are shaped not only by structural changes brought about by economic and political forces but also, simultaneously, by smaller acts of political, cultural, and symbolic protest. Emerging forms of political agency are having expected and unexpected consequences that are giving rise to new processes of environmental change. Evidence for my argument is provided by a case study that focuses on the political strategies followed by the Mapuche movement. I analyze the obstacles that are preventing the Chilean government from addressing more effectively the social, economic, and cultural needs of indigenous peoples through resource management policies. Government policies toward the Mapuche have not encompassed various approaches that might facilitate conflict resolution, such as effective participation in land use plans, natural resource management, the protection of the cultural rights of indigenous communities, and the Mapuche people’s right to their own approaches to development. Employing Foucault’s notion of governmentality, I argue that, while the Mapuche have widely contested the state’s neoliberal policies, they have nevertheless been drawn into governing strategies that are fundamentally neoliberal in character. These strategies have reconfigured their relationship with the state, NGOs, and foreign aid donors. Operating at both formal and informal levels of social and political interaction, this new mentality of government employs coercive and co-optive measures to cultivate Mapuche participation in the neoliberal modernization project, while continuing to neglect long-standing relations of inequality and injustice that underpin conflicts over land and resources.