Municipalities tend to develop their stormwater management policy by examining those of their neighboring communities, chosen out of convenience and perception of similarity rather than a purposeful, directed search. Alternatively, having a policy that is backed by science creates regulations that policy makers can confidently support. To address this issue, the model used in this study incorporates local rainfall and development data to analyze stormwater runoff volumes for various storm events using one year of development data from Chattanooga, Tennessee. The runoff values are used to analyze several policy combinations based on simplified policies, model policies, and customizable policies. Outputs of the tool include project count, impervious area managed, runoff managed, and runoff cleaned. This study indicates that stormwater managers can use the outputs of this tool to choose the policy that best meets their city’s unique goals.

L’intérêt de la recherche porte sur le processus de territorialisation de l’action publique et plus particulièrement celle du système de santé français. En marge des territoires administratifs imposés par le haut apparaît le besoin d’identifier et de comprendre les logiques spatiales des acteurs locaux et des usagers, supposées alors mieux prendre en compte ces spécificités territoriales et ainsi ajuster les actions pour lutter contre les inégalités sociales de santé et d’accès aux soins. L’objectif est d’étudier la territorialisation au regard du processus de construction d’un territoire par les acteurs locaux et d’appropriation d’un outil d’action publique pour agir collectivement. Une première partie théorique présente et fait le lien entre les trois objets de recherche « territorialisation », « construction du territoire » et « appropriation d’un outil ». La deuxième partie présente les cas étudiés ainsi que les choix épistémologiques et méthodologiques. La focale est mise sur le déploiement d’un outil d’action publique, le Programme Territorial de Santé, sur deux territoires de santé. La troisième partie présente l’analyse des résultats issus des entretiens réalisés et de l’observation menée. L’objectif est d’identifier et de comprendre quels sont les leviers éventuels dont peuvent se saisir les acteurs locaux dans le processus de déclinaison de l’action publique. Enfin la quatrième partie, dans une logique discursive présente une reconsidération des dimensions du territoire construite afin de proposer un modèle articulant la dichotomie entre territoire prescrit et territoire émergent et prenant en compte les spécificités d’un outil public de territorialisation / This research focuses on public policy territorialisation. While administrative territories, such as health territories, are imposed via a top-down process, a bottom-up approach is also recognised as being necessary. Here, local stakeholder and user needs are identified and understood meaning that territory specificities are recognised, local public actions are adapted, social inequalities are tackled and access to care is facilitated. This work focuses on the construction process of one such territory by public and local actors. In order to increase knowledge the objective is to study this process in relation to the procedure of territory building by local stakeholders and the ownership of a public policy tool which will lead to collective action. The first section is theoretical and presents the links between the three research areas: territrialisation, territory construction and appropriation of a tool. The second part presents the epistemological and methodological choices and the case study. Focus is placed on the deployment of a public policy tool, in this case a territorial health programme, in two health territories. The third part presents an analysis of the results which include interviews and observation. Finally, the fourth section places the results in perspective. The dimensions of constructed territory are reconsidered so as to offer a model articulating the dichotomy between prescribed territory and emergent territory while taking into consideration the specificities of a public tool for regionalisation

<p>Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) has been a topic of discussion since the dawn of democracy in April 1994. Due to the entrenched inequalities of the past, economic empowerment is very important for the economic growth of the majority of South Africa&rsquo / s citizens. However, significant economic enrichment of black people has not been made, despite, economic success, legislation, state policies and programme interventions. This economic growth is to be realised through the use of preferential procurement as a policy tool for BEE. Whilst sufficient legislation has been enacted to regulate preferential procurement, to favour black people, much still seems to be lacking in the enforcement of the laws in public procurement. Central to the challenges of preferential procurement is the disharmony between the Framework legislation governing preferential procurement and BEE. This discord has seen two visions being followed for preferential procurement / the Procurement Act refers to the beneficiaries of BEE as historically disadvantaged individuals (HDI / s) and the goals for BEE are measured through specific goals which promotes narrow empowerment / the BBBEE Act on the other hand defines black people as the recipients of BEE and through the BEE Codes broad-based empowerment is promoted through seven core elements. This congruency has not served the promotion of preferential procurement, it has created a hindrance that frustrates economic growth for those it is intended. The other quandary that undermines the success of preferential procurement is willful practices engaged by both tenderers and public officials / skills deficiency in the adjudication of tenders and self-interest. The success of BEE through preferential procurement is dependent on a coherently legislated procurement environment fortified by perceptive public officials. The objective of this thesis is to analyse the impact of these challenges on the success of preferential procurement. The study will highlight the main practices that defeat the use of preferential procurement. This will include an analysis of the various legislation and the amendments thereto. In addition the enquiry will examine the proficiency of public officials in the adjudication of public tendering. Recommendations for a successful preferential public procurement environment will be made. The proposed thesis will utilise, inter alia, relevant legislation, case law, theses, journals, books and policy documents.</p>

<p>Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) has been a topic of discussion since the dawn of democracy in April 1994. Due to the entrenched inequalities of the past, economic empowerment is very important for the economic growth of the majority of South Africa&rsquo / s citizens. However, significant economic enrichment of black people has not been made, despite, economic success, legislation, state policies and programme interventions. This economic growth is to be realised through the use of preferential procurement as a policy tool for BEE. Whilst sufficient legislation has been enacted to regulate preferential procurement, to favour black people, much still seems to be lacking in the enforcement of the laws in public procurement. Central to the challenges of preferential procurement is the disharmony between the Framework legislation governing preferential procurement and BEE. This discord has seen two visions being followed for preferential procurement / the Procurement Act refers to the beneficiaries of BEE as historically disadvantaged individuals (HDI / s) and the goals for BEE are measured through specific goals which promotes narrow empowerment / the BBBEE Act on the other hand defines black people as the recipients of BEE and through the BEE Codes broad-based empowerment is promoted through seven core elements. This congruency has not served the promotion of preferential procurement, it has created a hindrance that frustrates economic growth for those it is intended. The other quandary that undermines the success of preferential procurement is willful practices engaged by both tenderers and public officials / skills deficiency in the adjudication of tenders and self-interest. The success of BEE through preferential procurement is dependent on a coherently legislated procurement environment fortified by perceptive public officials. The objective of this thesis is to analyse the impact of these challenges on the success of preferential procurement. The study will highlight the main practices that defeat the use of preferential procurement. This will include an analysis of the various legislation and the amendments thereto. In addition the enquiry will examine the proficiency of public officials in the adjudication of public tendering. Recommendations for a successful preferential public procurement environment will be made. The proposed thesis will utilise, inter alia, relevant legislation, case law, theses, journals, books and policy documents.</p>

Magister Legum - LLM / Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) has been a topic of discussion since the dawn of democracy in April 1994. Due to the entrenched inequalities of the past, economic empowerment is very important for the economic growth of the majority of South Africa’s citizens. However, significant economic enrichment of black people has not been made, despite, economic success, legislation, state policies and programme interventions. This economic growth is to be realised through the use of preferential procurement as a policy tool for BEE. Whilst sufficient legislation has been enacted to regulate preferential procurement, to favour black people, much still seems to be lacking in the enforcement of the laws in public procurement. Central to the challenges of preferential procurement is the disharmony between the Framework legislation governing preferential procurement and BEE. This discord has seen two visions being followed for preferential procurement; the Procurement Act refers to the beneficiaries of BEE as historically disadvantaged individuals (HDI; s) and the goals for BEE are measured through specific goals which promotes narrow empowerment; the BBBEE Act on the other hand defines black people as the recipients of BEE and through the BEE Codes broad-based empowerment is promoted through seven core elements. This congruency has not served the promotion of preferential procurement, it has created a hindrance that frustrates economic growth for those it is intended. The other quandary that undermines the success of preferential procurement is willful practices engaged by both tenderers and public officials; skills deficiency in the adjudication of tenders and self-interest. The success of BEE through preferential procurement is dependent on a coherently legislated procurement environment fortified by perceptive public officials. The objective of this thesis is to analyse the impact of these challenges on the success of preferential procurement. The study will highlight the main practices that defeat the use of preferential procurement. This will include an analysis of the various legislation and the amendments thereto. In addition the enquiry will examine the proficiency of public officials in the adjudication of public tendering. Recommendations for a successful preferential public procurement environment will be made. The proposed thesis will utilise, inter alia, relevant legislation, case law, theses, journals, books and policy documents. / South Africa

美國擁有豐富的石油儲量，目前已探明的石油儲量即達到 485 億桶，居世界 第 9 位；同時也於 2014 年追過沙烏地阿拉伯，以平均每日 1164 萬桶的產量成為 世界上最大石油生產國。但另一方面，美國每日的石油消耗量，更大於歐洲及歐 亞大陸內 29 個國家的每日消耗量的總合，成為世界上最大的石油消費國。身為 世界上最大的能源消費國及戰後世界秩序的主導者，同時歷經一、二次世界大戰 及石油危機的重大衝擊後，深知能源的穩定供應是國家安全的重要基礎，美國必 須盡全力透過外交甚至軍事手段以確保能源的安全，所以歷屆政府都以能源安全 作為國家安全及外交政策的重點。 中東是目前全球己探明石油儲量最大的地區，也是全球石油產量最大的地區， 是以美國以能源戰略為導向的外交政策（簡稱能源外交）傳統上是以中東石油為 重心，美國也將中東地區的均勢與穩定、確保石油運輸通道的安全等視為其最根 本的國家利益之一。二次世界大戰之後，美國為了擴張或鞏固其在中東地區的影 響力而投入了大量的資源進行政治、經濟及軍事的干預。而頁岩油的出現使得美 國石油自給率大幅提高，對中東地區石油的依賴也迅速下滑。 頁岩油的出現是否會讓美國改變其向中東傾斜的外交政策，進一步將其全球 戰略部署重心進行調整至快速崛起的亞洲地區，值得我們觀察與探討。本論文以 文獻研究之方式，透過分析美國對石油進口的依賴程度與其在中東發生軍事衝突 時所採用的外交政策工具之間的關聯，嘗試探討在頁岩油革命大幅提高美國能源 自給率後，是否會影響美國對中東地區事務的干預程度。 本研究發現，石油進口比例的確影響了美國在中東地區所運用的外交政策工 具。石油進口比例高時，美國面對中東的跨國軍事衝突時傾向採取強度較高的外 交政策工具；石油進口比例低時，則採取干預強度較低的外交政策工具。是以本 研究認為，在頁岩油革命使美國進一步降低對進口石油的依賴後、將使中東這個 提供美國主要石油來源的地區的重要性降低。但另一方面，中東除了提供美國重 要的石油來源，亦是全球的石油供應中心，美國對中東地區的影響力不僅關係到 美國的能源安全，亦關係到美國全球霸權的地位。 / United States has abundant oil reserves that reserves reached 485 billion barrels, ranking No. 9 in the world; and also chase in 2014 over Saudi-Arabia, to 1164 million barrels of production per day on average to become the world largest oil producer. On the other hand, the US daily oil consumption, the greater the total combined daily consumption in Europe and Eurasia in the 29 countries, the world's largest oil consumer. As the world's largest energy consumer and the postwar world order leader, after a while, after the Second World War and the significant impact of the oil crisis, we know that stable supply of energy is an important basis for the national security of the United States must do efforts through diplomatic and even military means to guarantee energy security, the successive governments have focused on energy security as national security and foreign policy. The Middle East is currently the world's largest oil reserves in the region have been proven, is the world's largest oil production area, based on the US foreign policy-oriented energy strategy (referred to energy diplomacy) is traditionally focus on Middle East oil, the United States will in the Middle East balance and stability in the region, to ensure the safety of oil transport corridor, etc. regarded as one of the most fundamental interests of their country. After World War II, the United States in order to expand or consolidate its influence in the Middle East and put a lot of resources, political, economic, and military intervention. The emergence of shale oil self-sufficiency rate of such a substantial increase in US oil dependence on Middle East oil is also declining rapidly. Shale oil occurs whether the United States will change its foreign policy towards the Middle East tilt further its global strategic center of gravity to adjust to the rapid rise of Asia, we should observe and discuss. In this paper, after the manner of literature, through the analysis of foreign policy tools related U.S. dependence on oil imports and its military conflict in the Middle East used between attempts to discuss a substantial increase in US energy self-sufficiency rate in shale oil revolution, whether the United States will affect the level of intervention in the Middle East affairs. The study found that the proportion of imported oil does affect US foreign policy tool in the Middle East by the use of. A high proportion of oil imports, the United States when faced with cross-border military conflict in the Middle East tends to take a higher intensity of a foreign policy tool; low proportion of imported oil, then take a low intensity intervention foreign policy tool. The present study is that in the US shale oil revolution to further reduce the importance of post-import dependence on oil, the Middle East, will provide the main source of US oil region is reduced. On the other hand, the Middle East and the United States in addition to providing an important source of oil, is also a center of global oil supplies, the US forces in the Middle East not only to America's energy security, but also related to the status of US global hegemony.

Le renforcement des capacités favorise-t-il le contrôle ou l’autonomisation ?Est-il un moyen ou une fin ?Le renforcement des capacités est un objet d’étude contemporain qui génère de nombreux débats. Cette thèse y apporte une contribution en analysant le contenu et la portée des processus de renforcement des capacités développés par et pour les acteurs de la société civile engagés dans la mise en œuvre de la politique publique de lutte contre le VIH/SIDA au Sénégal. Partant du postulat théorique selon lequel le renforcement des capacités peut être considéré comme un instrument de politique publique, la thèse analyse l’hypothèse selon laquelle l’idéologie prédominante, New Public Management d’une part ou Empowerment d’une part, et le couplage ou non avec l’instrument de subvention, influencent de manière déterminante la nature et les résultats des processus de renforcement des capacités. Au travers d’une approche empirique, les effets et influences parfois contradictoires de l’instrument, oscillant entre renforcement du contrôle et renforcement de l’autonomie selon les objectifs et stratégies mises en place par les divers acteurs du niveau international au niveau local (bailleurs de fonds internationaux, ONG nationales, OCB/Associations locales), sont mis en évidence. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

A Bruxelles comme dans d’autres contextes régionaux et nationaux, de nombreux professionnels et spécialistes présentent les notions de discrimination et de diversité dans le domaine de l’emploi comme « les deux faces d’une même pièce » : au dépassement de la première répondrait l’avènement de la seconde. Considérant ce discours comme problématique, nous retraçons dans notre thèse l’émergence et le développement de l’action publique bruxelloise de lutte contre les discriminationsethno-raciales et de promotion de la diversité en matière d’emploi, depuis la fin des années 1990. Dans une perspective qualitative, nous analysons les conditions d’élaboration et de mise en oeuvre de cette action publique régionale, en prêtant une attention particulière aux pratiques des acteurs et aux effets concrets des dispositifs (en particulier le « Plan de diversité »). Au-delà du caractère éduisant et consensuel de la notion de diversité, nous montrons que les interventions qui s’en réclament tendent à perdre de vue le problème des discriminations ethno-raciales en matière d’emploi, qu’elles devaient pourtant contribuer à réduire. Les entreprises privées peuvent ne pas voir l’utilité ni la pertinence des « bonnes pratiques » de gestion des ressources humaines promues dans ce cadre. Et même lorsque les pratiques managériales évoluent, cela n’a pas forcément d’effet en matière de recrutement ou de reconnaissance symbolique des minorités ethno-raciales. / In Brussels as in many other regional and national contexts, discrimination and diversity are often described as “two sides of the same coin”, diversity being thought of as a solution to discrimination. We question this argument in our doctoral dissertation and examine how authorities in the Brussels region implemented a new public policy to tackle discrimination and promote diversity since the end of the 1990s. We analyse in a qualitative perspective how measures and instruments were designed and brought into action. In particular, we focus on social practices and also on the practical effects of the policy instruments mobilized in this context (especially the “Diversity plan”). The seducing notionof diversity seems to produce consensus, but we also show that it often leads to losing sight of the discrimination problem. Furthermore, public authorities promote “best practices” to improve diversity in the workplace, but these are not always considered useful nor relevant by private companies. Even when changes appear to happen in management practices, we observe a limited impact on ecruitmentand also on symbolic recognition of ethno-racial minorities.