Desde a promulgação da atual Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil, em cinco de outubro de 1988, percebe-se que o fenômeno do ativismo judicial tem ganhado força nos Tribunais brasileiros nos mais variados assuntos, entre eles o direito político-eleitoral. Este trabalho visa a evidenciar este fenômeno no Brasil, mais precisamente por meio do estudo pormenorizado do caso da verticalização das coligações partidárias. A atuação do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral, em fevereiro de 2002, a respeito da verticalização provocou o debate sobre o ativismo judicial na Imprensa, no Congresso Nacional e também entre juristas e cientistas políticos. A manutenção da interpretação do TSE pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal, por duas vezes, só veio a arregimentar ainda mais discussões sobre o tema. Houve movimentação por parte do Legislativo e de Partidos Políticos no sentido de extirpar definitivamente tal interpretação judicial do ordenamento jurídico brasileiro. Assim sendo, este trabalho compõe-se de análises sobre decisões de tribunais superiores (TSE e STF) em que o fenômeno do ativismo judicial foi identificado. De modo a contextualizar dogmaticamente a análise das decisões, serão abordados aspectos constitucionais e legais concernentes à Justiça Eleitoral, demonstrando como as decisões sobre a verticalização ultrapassaram a competência judicial sobre a matéria. Para contextualizar as decisões analisadas na jurisprudência dos tribunais superiores, serão retomados os julgamentos proferidos pelo Tribunal Superior Eleitoral e pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal em fidelidade partidária, regras de propaganda eleitoral, requisitos de elegibilidade (certidão de quitação eleitoral) e número de vereadores em cada município brasileiro. Por fim, a análise das decisões dos tribunais superiores a respeito da verticalização será contraposta aos limites legais e constitucionais previamente estudados, evidenciando, assim, o fenômeno do ativismo judicial no direito eleitoral. / Since the promulgation of the Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil, in October 5, 1988, the (phenomenon known as) judicial activism has built-up in strength on the Brazilian courts, being discussed in many cases, including those related to Election Law. This thesis intends to demonstrate this phenomenon occurrence in Brazil, more specifically by studying the case of vertical party coalitions. The performance of the Superior Electoral Court concerning the verticalization, in February 2002, raised the debate on judicial activism on the press, the Congress and also among jurists and political scientists. The preservation of the Superior Electoral Courts interpretation by the Supreme Federal Court has raised even more debates on the subject. Furthermore, the Legislative Power and some political parties also tried to exclude this judicial interpretation from the Brazilian legal system. Thus, this thesis consists on the analysis of superior courts decisions in which the phenomenon has occurred. Focusing on the its dogmatic contextualization, constitutional and legal aspects of the Electoral Justice will be discussed, demonstrating how the decisions on verticalization exceed the jurisdiction on that matter. To contextualize the decisions with the superior courts jurisprudence, the rulings of Supreme Federal Court and the Superior Electoral Court on party loyalty, campaign advertising, elegibility, and the maximum number of deputies in each Brazilian municipality will be examined. Finally, the analysis of the superior courts decisions concerning the verticalization will be faced in opposition to the legal and constitutional limits previously examined, demonstrating the existence of the judicial activism phenomenon on the Election Law.

Title from first page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 47-53).

The purpose of this research was to determine the aural and visual issues present in televised political campaign advertising of the 1972 Presidential election year. Content analysis was the method employed to determine these issues. The campaign commercials of George McGovern and Richard Nixon were the subject of the analysis. The issues coded were Social Welfare, Natural Resources, Labor, Management, Civil Rights, Economy, Foreign Affairs, Vietnam, Government, Public Order, Defense, Republicans, and Democrats. The results show that the campaigns used issues appearing in network news coverage, the percentage of time each campaign spent on the issues, and that the aural content was supported by the visual images in the commercials.

The diploma thesis focuses on women in politics, specifically on the cases when a woman is running for a president. For a purpose of the thesis 3 candidates were chosen, Radičová, Tymoshenko and Grybauskaite, i. e. one successful and two unsuccessfull ones. These case were chosen intentionally among countries of postcommunism space, where we can expect role of gender stereotypes, especially when running for the position of head of state. This thesis's object is to compare all the women candidates and explore possible causes of their success/ unsuccess based on the conditions and stereotypes dominating in a country. Thesis focuses on election campaign, party affiliation or support of each candidate and their effect on voters.

This thesis is focused on the impact of media literacy in terms of the ability of high school students to interpret political advertisement. In the part of this thesis the reader will be introduced into the concepts of modern democracy and mass media as its important part especially, within the context of politics, in the pre-election period. The reader will be provided an insight into the issue of the influence of mass media on citizens who are exposed to the products of political marketing. Due to the focus on high school students, this thesis mentions research domestic one as well as international that puts together terms as politics- media-teenagers. The second part of this thesis is designed as a research aimed at the impact of media literacy on the students' skills to analyze a political advertisement as well as their civic attitudes. The research is conducted as a qualitative comparison of statements of the analytical abilities of students who took part in media literacy course with those who did not. Key terms: democracy, elections, political campaign, political marketing, political advertisement, media, mass media, media literacy, high school education

In a time when record numbers of dollars are being spent on campaigns the unregulated dollars are flowing faster than ever. Hundreds of millions of dollars in independent expenditures are being used for “issue advocacy”, print and broadcast advertising, which does not expressly endorse or oppose a candidate for office. The one-time campaign finance ceiling has become the campaign finance basement. Individuals are able to give unlimited dollars to 527 organizations, which function outside of all campaign finance regulation and provide a new path for the flow of political dollars. Since the passage of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act, commonly known as the McCain-Feingold Act, federally regulated lobbyists and PACS are being edged out of the political dollar due to contribution limits. It is in 1996 that we witness the birth of 527 organizations and the flourishing growth of soft money spending in the campaign process.

Ce travail de doctorat sur la communication politique dans l’Albanie postcommuniste vise à étudier la place, le rôle, les effets de l’industrie de l’image et de la communication politique basée sur l’image pendant les campagnes électorales au niveau national et local durant la période de la transition politique en Albanie. Au centre des analyses effectuées, nous avons établi des thèmes, importants et cruciaux comme le rôle, la fonction et la place des images dans le cadre de la communication politique et électorale, l’évolution et la transformation de ce rôle jusqu’au point où elle a réussi à se placer au centre des stratégies de persuasion et de propagande des partis politiques et des autres acteurs politiques du pays. L’image dans le contexte de cette thèse est considéré comme un ensemble significatif de formes, de couleurs, de mouvements, qui représentent des objets réels ou imaginaires, des signes spatiaux souvent associés à des bandes sonores et des textes, articulés sur des supports variés : affiches électorales, spots publicitaires électoraux et structuration des apparitions télévisées des acteurs politiques locaux, et la « scénographie –type » des évènements organisés dans le cadre des campagnes électorales. Toujours en fonction des besoins de cette étude, nous allons appeler cet aspect de la communication politique : « communication par l’image», et par ce terme que nous emprunterons tout au long de cette thèse, nous entendrons : Communication à travers les affiches électorales, la publicité électorale ainsi que la structuration scénographique de l’apparition des acteurs politiques locaux devant les médias en période de campagne électorale. L’utilisation de l’image dans la communication politique en Albanie représente une caractéristique locale importante. Il s’agit d’une tendance qui suit les dynamiques communicationnelles en Occident. Par un comportement de mimétisme, les acteurs politiques locaux ont trouvé intéressant, efficace et rentable d’appliquer en Albanie le modèle occidental de la communication politique sous tous ses aspects et surtout en ce qui concerne la logique interne des processus qui constituent la communication politique, les infrastructures qui rendent possible la communication politique, les principes des rapports des acteurs qui produisent la communication politique dans le triangle politique -médias - images, et jusqu’à l’introduction dans le pays des modèles de communication politique au travers des compagnies occidentales, surtout américaines, qui sont consultées par les principaux partis politiques localement situés ou qui restent derrière eux dans le processus de réalisation des stratégies politiques réalisées au cours des élections.Le processus de l’adoption des instruments, techniques et des modèles qui viennent de l’Occident a été réalisé dans le contexte albanais avec une rapidité surprenante pour s’achever en l’espace d’une seule décennie. La question qui se pose ici, ce serait : Quels sont les effets de la communication à travers les images sur l’intégralité du processus politique local ? Il s’agit, en effet, d’une communication politique qui s’éloigne toujours plus d’une tradition locale fondée sur la communication politique directe, interpersonnelle, face à face, orale et fondée sur un réseau organisationnel partisan. Bref, il faudrait bien évidemment étudier les avantages de la communication par l’image par rapport à la communication politique verbale et celle organisationnelle – partisane. Cette thèse a pour objectif de décrire et d’analyser la façon dont s’est développé ce processus dans le temps, quelle était la logique interne de cette transformation, comment la société albanaise est passée d’une communication politique fondée sur la parole écrite ou sur des moyens oraux de l’expression, vers une communication orientée vers un univers d’images ou vers le virtuel. / This doctoral thesis on political communication in post-communist Albania, aims to study the national and local election campaigns carried out during the political transition in Albania after 1991. This is done so to highlight the communication through images. The analysis thus centres on the role, evolution, transformation and the use of images to enable political and electoral communication. We use images in this thesis to mean: electoral posters, electoral campaign adverts, as well as the construction of the TV appearances of the local political actors, which we will call a “typical stage”. In this thesis when interpreting this aspect of political communication we will use “image communication” to mean: communication through electoral posters, electoral campaign adverts as a set up stage for the local political leaders to play in front of the media during the election campaigns. The use of images in political communication in Albania represents a distinguished local feature, which in turn shows also the integration to what happened in Western Europe. This can be seen as a full reflection of the western political communication regarding: the internal rationale process of creating political communication, the infrastructure enabling political communication, the principles of the actors that produce political communication in the politics-media-image industry triangle as well as the importing of these models through the western companies. The latter are mostly American and they consult and stand behind the most important political parties during the political election campaigns It is worth noting that within a decade most of the western models, instruments and technical features were fully adapted in Albania. Therefore the enquiry that arises concerns the implication of extensively using image communication. The recent political communication is distancing even more to the local tradition of direct personal and oral political communication highlighting the advantage of image communication to political communication. 318 The objective of this thesis is to describe and analyse the development of this process over time, the internal rationale of this transformation and how political communication moved away from oral and direct communication to the more universal and virtual images. As regards to time, this thesis focuses on the use of virtual images during the political communication course accompanying national election campaign from 1991, the first free elections held in Albania, to 2009, the last national elections in the country. In this thesis we also include the last local elections for the Tirana Municipality starting in year 2000 to 2007. These elections are the embryo of the above mentioned phenomena that were in turn quickly adopted at the national level and thus changing the political communication landscape. The political candidate Edi Rama has constantly won these elections from year 2000 thus representing what we earlier called image communication, as he was the first to embrace and use the power of image. He modelled a new type of politician who would enter politics after working in the media. His approach was copied extensively and his success is evident as in 2005 he became the leader of the socialist party, one of the biggest parties in the country, without being a career politician neither in the country’s political scene nor within the party.

This thesis is dedicated to political campaigns in Central Bohemian Region and Liberec Region during regional elections what took place 7th and 8th of October 2016. Both of these regions were chosen as a sample which represents both nationwide parties but also local parties. The author processed vast amount of data, what was lately analyzed and compared. For the research was used content analysis, which enables to code clearly the entering data. Among the examined data were the election formations' election programs, candidate lists (respectively, the amount of local candidates within those candidate lists), election formations' propagation on the social medium Facebook, and a usage of a printed media during the campaign (respectively, how successful was the campaign communication and how different election formations used advertising). This diploma thesis is primarily based on second-order elections. Based on relevant literature were identified several contact points within the campaigns characteristic for this kind of elections. Thanks to a number of research questions, this diploma thesis answers the main aim, which is, if those election formations approached those elections as the second-order elections.

The European refugee crisis sparked many debates within the European Union member states, as European countries had different ideas about handling the situation. As a result to the long negotiations without decisions, the crisis escalated, resulting in anti-immigrant, populist parties to emerge with big support among European citizens.The Hungarian government was among the first countries in the European Union to capitalise upon the refugee crisis by politicising the question of immigration, therefore, several anti-immigration campaigns were initiated in Hungary during 2015 and 2016.By analysing and comparing two campaign materials (one from 2015 and one from 2016) via the three-dimensional critical discourse analysis model of Fairclough, the thesis sought to identify the milestones and the rhetoric shifts of the communication of the Hungarian government that changed the public discourse in Hungary, as well as to point out similarities with populist practices in the anti-immigrant campaigns. The empirical analysis was carried out in the theoretical framework of discourse and power, populism, post-factuality, and agenda setting and framing.The text argued for a rhetorical shift between 2015 and 2016, in which the target of the governmental communication changed from refugees towards the European Union and its immigration policy. The thesis found evidence for the usage of populist practices that vastly affected the way Hungarians approach the question of immigration.It is hoped that this thesis could highlight the imbalance in the power relations of the public discourse in Hungary, and the findings could contribute to further analyses of populist campaigns in the period of the European refugee crisis.

The goal of the dissertation called "Evaluation of the effectiveness of marketing cam-paigns" is to describe, analyze, and with usage of Data Envelopment Analyst (DEA) to evaluate certain campaigns. The dissertation describes political election campaigns of certain political party.