<p>The aim of this study has been to investigate why we saw the formation of the green party and junilistan in Swedish politics. The questions being asked is why the individuals behind the party decided to take the step towards forming a new party as well as why they felt it worth forming it.</p><p>The theories being used is the sequential model created by Gissur Ó Erlingsson, which is complemented with theoretical assumptions by Paul Lucardie. The sequential model illustrates the party forming processes in three steps, which then through process-tracing allows for the identification of events that have exerted an influence on the entrepreneur to decide taking the step towards forming a new party. With the help of Lucardie I presented assumptions which gave me possibility to investigate why they then felt it worth forming the new party.</p><p>The conclusion showed that the step toward party formation in both cases occurred when the entrepreneurs experienced that their demands where not met. The second question was divided in to two sub questions which showed that the entrepreneurs in both cases made the calculation that a new party would find support amongst the electorate but regarding the ability to finance and attach competence the result was more diverging.</p>

L’orientation entrepreneuriale constitue un concept éprouvé en sciences de gestion. Si les travaux qui lui sont consacrés concernent très majoritairement les entreprises privées et retiennent une approche quantitative, on assiste à présent à une aspiration au renouvellement de la recherche autour du concept (méthodologie, champ d’application...). Cette thèse s’inscrit dans ce courant en abordant l’orientation entrepreneuriale des élus locaux par le biais d’une démarche d’accompagnement par la prospective. Pour ce faire nous émettons deux propositions de recherche : la première repose sur le bien fondé de l’utilisation de ce concept chez les élus des collectivités territoriales et la seconde sur l’efficacité des démarches d’accompagnement fondées sur la prospective pour ces élus. Après une revue de littérature consacrée à la dimension entrepreneuriale des élus et une première approche du concept dans les collectivités territoriales au travers de trois minis cas, nous déployons une démarche qualitative de recherche intervention de type ingénierique. Cette dernière a pour objet d’accompagner la structuration de la filière Santé-Biotechnologies en Lorraine. A l’issue de cette thèse nous concluons à la validité des propositions émises. Nous mettons ensuite en évidence les apports conceptuels et managériaux et nous envisageons les perspectives de recherche qu’elle génère / Entrepreneurial orientation is now a highly-proven concept in management sciences. While the work devoted to the subject mostly relates to private enterprises and adopts a quantitative approach, a fresh current has now undertaken to revisit research in this field (methodology, scope…). This doctor’s thesis is in line with the new trend and shows elected local officials’ entrepreneurial orientation through a prospective accompaniment approach. To do this, I have come up with two research proposals. The first is based on stressing the relevance of resorting to the concept in a political environment, and the second rests on the efficiency of the prospective guiding steps destined for elected officials. The review of literature devoted to the entrepreneurial dimension of elected politicians followed by a preliminary approach of the concept through three case studies pave the way for an engineering qualitative approach of action research. It is meant to provide guidance for the structuring of the Health and Biotechnology sector in the Lorraine region. The conclusion of the thesis shows the relevance of the submissions and highlights the conceptual and managerial contributions before it opens up on some forms of potential ensuing research

El artículo enfatiza el papel que cumplen los emprendedores de política en la definición de las agendas gubernamentales, cuya relevancia cobra mayor visibilidad en contextos donde el sistema político y la institucionalidad gubernamental se encuentran debilitados. Para ello se desarrolla el proceso de establecimiento de agenda de políticas públicas con un enfoque politológico, revisando los subprocesos que lo conforman: la estructuración del problema público y la solución de alternativas.El enfoque metodológico del artículo considera los casos como fuente de identificación de prácticas, estrategias y discursos, instrumentalizándolos para la generación de evidencia desde donde se revisa la teoría. A partir de la evidencia recogida en dos casos de estudio referidos al feminicidio y al trabajo infantil, el artículo discute algunos aspectos teóricos sobre el establecimiento de agenda, reconociéndolo como un proceso compuesto de prácticas realizadas por los actores aplicando estrategias para lograr su cometido y usando discursos, como el de los derechos humanos, para lograr la aceptación de sus propuestas. En el desarrollo teórico construido a partir de bibliografía relevante sobre el tema y de la evidencia ofrecida por los casos de estudio, se propone diferenciar entre prácticas y estrategias, planteando la necesidad de recuperar la retórica como elemento de análisis para el establecimiento de la agenda, tema frecuentemente olvidado en los estudios de agenda en nuestro medio. El análisis de los casos permite identificar actores claves para el establecimiento de agenda: por un lado, la cooperación internacional que, a través de la OIT como ente canalizador de recursos, legitimó su participación en los procesos de establecimiento de agenda sobre la erradicación del trabajo infantil; y por otro, la incursión de feministas en el espacio burocrático y político, fortaleciendo las capacidades institucionales del Estado para el diseño de las políticas públicas para enfrentar la violencia contra las mujeres.

The aim of this study has been to investigate why we saw the formation of the green party and junilistan in Swedish politics. The questions being asked is why the individuals behind the party decided to take the step towards forming a new party as well as why they felt it worth forming it. The theories being used is the sequential model created by Gissur Ó Erlingsson, which is complemented with theoretical assumptions by Paul Lucardie. The sequential model illustrates the party forming processes in three steps, which then through process-tracing allows for the identification of events that have exerted an influence on the entrepreneur to decide taking the step towards forming a new party. With the help of Lucardie I presented assumptions which gave me possibility to investigate why they then felt it worth forming the new party. The conclusion showed that the step toward party formation in both cases occurred when the entrepreneurs experienced that their demands where not met. The second question was divided in to two sub questions which showed that the entrepreneurs in both cases made the calculation that a new party would find support amongst the electorate but regarding the ability to finance and attach competence the result was more diverging.

This thesis called "ANO 2011: a business-firm party?" deals with the analysis of a Czech political movement ANO 2011 in order to determine wheter and/or to what extent political movement ANO 2011 corresponds with business-firm party model, as described by Jonathan Hopkin and Caterina Paolucci in 1999. It is based on the context of a change of party organization and on logic of developmental typology of political parties. The aim is to determine whether the political movement ANO 2011 corresponds to the characteristics of the business-firm party model. The hypothesis here is that in the beginning of the movement it matched the model, while since than there is moving away to the direction of the form of traditional political parties. In another part there is a contribution described to the revision of business-firm party model that offers a modified perspective on the subject. With this perspective the characteristics of the business-firm party model are rather understood as a marketing strategy or a party subtype than as a separate and generally applicable type of political parties.

L'économie des organisations étudie l'ensemble des arrangements institutionnels permettant la mise en oeuvre de la production et l'échange de biens et de services. Dans cette thèse, nous analysons le comportement activiste des organisations non gouvernementales spécifiques au Liban. Il apparaît que le mode de gouvernance des ONG libanaises est fondé sur un concept de solidarité intra-communautaire. Comment expliquer le recours des Libanais aux services offerts par les ONG ? Ainsi, nous avons démontré que ces ONG locales sont conduites de manière à atteindre des objectifs de nature politique. La théorie de l’entrepreneuriat politique est parfaitement adaptable à ce cadre d’analyse. Un nouvel équilibre politique dans la société libanaise est trouvé. Afin de mettre en évidence l’activisme des ONG libanaises, nous avons proposé une méthodologie empirique, qui se base à la fois sur une démarche quantitative et qualitative. Le modèle proposé a pour objectif principal de montrer l’existence d’une relation entre la perception des bénéficiaires des services rendus par les ONG et leur appartenance communautaire. Ainsi nous avons démontré qu’au Liban, la plupart des bénéficiaires appartenant à une communauté particulière connaît et identifie les ONG qui leur sont favorables en matière de redistribution. Il s’agit d’une explication de la persistance du communautarisme. Les ONG libanaises comme les groupes de pression jouent un rôle intermédiaire sur le marché politique. Cette intermédiation de la démocratie représentative permet de penser les jeux et les stratégies des groupes de pression mais surtout de sortir de l’idéal normatif de la démocratie représentative égalitaire. / The economy of organizations examines the institutional mechanisms that lead to the production and exchange of goods and services. This thesis analyzes the mode of operation of NGOs which are specific to the Lebanese Society. It raises the following question: how can one explain the appeal of NGOs to the Lebanese people and the lure to use and benefit from its services? This thesis has demonstrated that these NGOs operate to achieve certain goals of political nature. The theory of political entrepreneurship applies to this concept and is considered as the theoretical framework of this dissertation. Accordingly, this thesis posits that a new political balance is achieved in the Lebanese society. In order to highlight the effectiveness of Lebanese NGOs, this thesis proposes an empirical methodology based on both quantitative and qualitative approach. The main objective of the proposed model is to underscore the existence of a relation between the perception of individuals benefiting form services rendered by NGOs and their sectarian affiliations. This dissertation reveals that the majority of people benefiting of NGOs services in Lebanon belong to a certain sect that favors people pertaining to its denomination in terms of redistribution. This signifies that the effects of sectarianism are still rampart in the Lebanese society. Lebanese NGOs can be considered as pressure groups that play an intermediary role on the Lebanese political scene. This intermediation of representative democracy allows a reconsideration of political strategies of pressure groups especially as to go beyond the norms of egalitarian representative democracy used in the Lebanese model of governance.

L’entrepreneur politique tend à dominer un espace sociopolitique par le jeu stratégique d’une matrice de ressources politiques. Ainsi, le leadership du notable Gaston Flosse, dans la collectivité d’outre-mer de Polynésie française, présente les facettes d’un pouvoir personnel en République. Ce type de domination de l’espace polynésien est mis en évidence par la plasticité d’un leadership politique autoritaire, fondé sur de multiples ressources matérielles et symboliques. L’étude de ce leadership politique interroge l’exercice de la démocratie représentative à Tahiti et dans la Vème République. / The strategic mobilization of multidimensional political resources allows the political leader to take power in a political space. Then, the leader uses a combination of political capacities to keep the power and extend his domination. Thus, the political leadership of the Boss Gaston Flosse, in the overseas collectivity of French Polynesia, has become a personal rule inside the French Republic. The domination of the Polynesian sociopolitical space is illustrated by the plasticity of an authoritarian leadership, which questions the expressions of democracy in Tahiti, and in the French political regime.