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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
1

The free spirit in the liberal political order

Pittz, Steven Francis 18 September 2014 (has links)
How should we contemplate spiritual freedom in modern liberal societies? This dissertation explores spiritual freedom by presenting the figure of the free spirit, a figure modeled after Nietzsche's description of one. The free spirit exemplifies the possibilities for spiritual freedom, and his relation to political order uncovers important implications for our understanding of political freedom. The free spirit affirms life--he finds meaning and value in life--apart from politics and community. He does so by taking an aesthetic perspective. A certain type of spirit is necessary for such aesthetic perspective: a free spirit, a skeptic who liberates oneself from political community, religious traditions, and common values of his time. A deeper understanding of the free spirit also reveals a deeper understanding of individual autonomy. Individual autonomy is one of the bedrocks of liberal political order, a foundation that is threatened by criticisms from progressives and communitarians. Progressives attack the very possibility of employing individual autonomy as a justification for the founding of liberal government. In a similar vein, communitarians attack the possibility and the desirability of treating individuals as autonomous units, highlighting the social and communal basis of personhood and the dangers of individual "atomism". The attacks aimed at individual autonomy are simultaneously attacks on liberal political order. The explication of the free spirit in this dissertation is an attempt to combat these critiques of liberal political order on the basis of individual autonomy. The free spirit presented here reminds us that a wholly liberal defense of individual rights must include the political space for aesthetic perspective. For a society to be truly free it must respect and protect each individual's liberty to treat existence as a spectacle, to detach themselves from popular worldly concerns, whether political, cultural, or social. / text
2

The divisive threat of immigration in Europe

Lilleby, Lars W., Sheehan, Andrew J. 12 1900 (has links)
This thesis examines immigration’s political effects in Europe over the past several decades. In many countries, immigrants are not integrating well. One result is the growing political strength of nationalist right-wing parties. Tensions have risen between those immigrants who refuse to adopt European values and European natives who consider their identity to be at risk. European governments have essentially two methods by which to control the impact of immigration —they can limit the number of legal immigrants and/or they can insist on integration. This thesis makes the case that integration is key to preventing further political strife over immigration policies in Europe. By examining the performance of immigrant integration policies across twelve European countries, we identify shortfalls and argue on behalf of the need for a standard European Union approach to measure integration performance.
3

Taiwan¡¦s Geo-Strategy and Political Order

Chen, Ching-Chuan 09 January 2011 (has links)
Decades after 1602, Taiwan was an unique stage for continual showing of power struggles of various great powers. Three ancient concepts, including strategy, political order and history are precisely the main axles connecting these historical events. Each one of these domains would have significant and profound influence interweaved with others. Geographically, Taiwan is not only the center of the first island chain out of the continent, it is also located at the top of this so call ¡§Asiatic Mediterranean¡¨ triangle. The geographical location of Taiwan thus unpreventable made it revolving in the struggles among international powers. The action of a state definitely will aim at its national interest. The foreign policy of a nation would be set according to a guided rule which included the geopolitical code. To be more precise, the geopolitical code is one of the important criteria to identify national interest as well as adversary and to react against them. This research is based on three geological levels, including local level of Taiwan, regional level of Southeast Asia and the global level to analyze the geopolitics of Taiwan and to examine various powers which had ruled Taiwan in the history. In terms of the geography matters, the maritime power disposition, the geopolitics and the geo-economy are factors to shape up the destiny of Taiwan for some 400 years by different powers from the world. In the final analysis, based on a principle that political order would be changed following the changes of stratagem, it shows that the consideration and planning of foreign strategy would have great impact in the domestic political order and administrative policy. In one word, the geological location of Taiwan put it in the cross road of the ocean while geopolitical and economical factors confine Taiwan to be ruled by invasion powers for the last four hundred years.
4

Legitimacy from the bottom-up : Understanding perceived legitimacy of non-state armed actors from a civilian perspective - A case study of Somalia

Nielsen, Michelle Hendrika Julie January 2019 (has links)
Non-state armed groups are often countered by military means but non-state armed groups have in many cases proven their resilience and endurance, and they continue to challenge central governments in their efforts to build a peaceful and stable society in many post-conflict societies. We fail to understand why non-state armed actors may supersede central governments in their ability to provide effective governance structures and enjoy legitimacy. This thesis builds on the existing literature on rebel and insurgency governance and aims to explore the drivers that legitimize non-state armed actors from the perspective of the civilian population. Exploring the factors that contribute to the legitimacy of non-state armed groups reveals the local dynamics that underpin the relationship between non-state armed groups and civilians living in the areas under their control. I argue that non-state armed groups, by capitalizing on the failed expectations that civilians have towards the state, and subsequently meeting these expectations by providing essential security and public services, can achieve public legitimacy. Using the method of structured focused comparison, South-West State and Galmudug State in Somalia are compared to test the hypotheses. Fieldwork was conducted to collect data and document analysis was used. The main finding of this study is that the ability of an actor to provide services and security plays an important role when explaining variation in levels of perceived legitimacy.
5

The democratic separation of two political orders : A statistical study on the effects of substantive and procedural components on democracy

Mårtensson, Emil January 2020 (has links)
There are some conflicting arguments for the categorization of different variables considered to be important democratic components. On the one side there are those who are advocates for a distinction of a political order and a democratic political order where components such as rule of law resides in the political order. The other side argues that the substantive side has such a large effect on democracy that especially the variable of rule of law should be counted as a democratic political variable. The theoretical idea is that a primary political order is separate and enables the establishment of a democratic political order. What this study seeks to do is to analyze the effects of the two distinctions to determine if a separation of the two is the best option or if they should be merged into one singular distinction or dimension. The primary method for conducting the study is statistical analysis with quantitative data and the aim is to make a generalizable result and conclusion.
6

Mouvements populaires et Partis politiques (1986-1996) : la restructuration manquée de l’ordre politique agonisant / Popular movements and Political parties (1986-1996) : the missed reorganization of the political order failing

Chenet, Jean-Baptiste 05 July 2011 (has links)
La chute de la dictature duvaliériste, le 7 février 1986, marque un véritable tournant dans l’évolution politique du pays. La situation nouvelle qui en résulte est généralement analysée ou comprise sous l’angle de l’explication découlant du paradigme des transitions. Ce cadre d’analyse s’est révélé en tous points inadapté pour rendre compte des bouleversements enregistrés. Dès lors, la recherche d’une explication alternative vient à se poser. Cette recherche tente d’explorer cette voie. Et elle soulève un questionnement fondamental qui appréhende la crise haïtienne sous l’angle de l’épuisement de l’ordre politique imposé lors de la première occupation américaine pendant la période 1915-1934. Le défi de cette restructuration du champ politique avait sollicité davantage le rôle et l’action de deux nouveaux acteurs qui ont durablement émergé dans la vie politique du pays à partir des années quatre-vingt : les mouvements populaires et les partis politiques. L’interaction qui s’établit entre ces deux acteurs avait acquis à la fois une dimension complexe et problématique. D’une part, ils (les acteurs) n’avaient pas pu développer une claire conscience de leur rôle dans le processus de transformation politique en cours. D’autre part, il s’est établi entre les deux acteurs un radical antagonisme qui a fini par compromettre la possibilité de construction des capacités politiques nationales en vue de favoriser une évolution positive dudit processus. Le retour à la domination directe américaine, avec l’intervention militaire de 1994, consacrera l’impossibilité de trouver une issue à la crise au plan interne. Cette intervention confirmera la réalité de l’épuisement de l’ordre politique de 1934 tout en provoquant des contradictions nouvelles. Elle a notamment contribué à précipiter la suppression de l’armée, tout en procédant de manière quasi-totale à la confiscation de la souveraineté du pays. Pendant la décennie 1986-1996 qui reste charnière dans le processus de changement politique en Haïti, il n’a pas été possible donc d’aboutir à une redéfinition de l’ordre politique agonisant. Mais l’enjeu de son renouvellement reste indispensable. Malgré leurs faiblesses et les controverses à la base de leur relation, les mouvements populaires et les partis politiques demeurent encore les deux principales formes de représentation politique ou d’action collective qui puissent aider d’avancer dans cette direction. La difficulté majeure est d’arriver à définir l’originalité de l’articulation entre ces deux acteurs qui pourrait bien convenir dans le contexte actuel marqué à la fois par le reflux des mouvements et le faible niveau d’enracinement de la forme partisane. / The fall of the dictatorship duvalierist, on February 7, 1986, mark a true turning point in the political evolution of the country. The new situation which results from it is generally analyzed or included/understood under the angle of the explanation rising from the paradigm of the transitions. This framework of analysis appeared in all points misfit to give an account of the recorded upheavals. Consequently, the search for an alternative explanation has been suddenly posed. This research tries to explore this way. And it raises a fundamental questioning which apprehends the Haitian crisis under the angle of the exhaustion of the political order imposed at the time of the first American occupation for the period 1915-1934. The challenge of this reorganization of the political field had more requested the role and the action of two new actors who durably emerged in the political life of the country as from the Eighties: popular movements and political parties. The interaction which is established between these two actors had acquired at the same time a complex and problematic dimension. On the one hand, they (actors) had not been able to develop a clear conscience of their role in the process of political transformation in progress. In addition, it was established between the two actors a radical antagonism which ended up compromising the possibility of construction of the capacities national policies in order to support a positive development of the known as process. The return to the American direct domination, with the military intervention of 1994, will devote impossibility of finding an exit with the crisis with the internal plan. This intervention will confirm the reality of the exhaustion of the political order of 1934 whole while causing new contradictions. It in particular contributed to precipitate the removal of the army, while proceeding in a quasi-total way to the confiscation of the sovereignty of the country. During the decade 1986-1996 which remains hinge in the process of political change in Haiti, it was not possible thus to lead to a redefinition of the political order failing. But the stake of its renewal remains essential. In spite of their weaknesses and the controversies at the base of their relation, the popular movements and the political parties remain still the two principal forms of political representation or class action suit who can help to advance in this direction. The major difficulty is to manage to define the originality of the articulation between these two actors which could be appropriate well in the current context marked at the same time by the backward flow of the movements and the low level of rooting of the form partisane.
7

Obrazové možné světy / Pictorial Possible Worlds

Špelda, Petr January 2017 (has links)
The present text develops a model designed to generate conceptual theories with respect to the pictorial (visual) form of representation. This is achieved by combining a computational approach to cognition with philosophical devices of the analytic tradition. The model itself, simulating the structure of reality, consists of (i) a metaphysical stage based on Armstrong's theory of combinatorial possibility, (ii) an epistemological stage proposing emergent phenomena founded upon the notion of computational irreducibility, and (iii) a semantic stage proposing a stochastic account of concepts anchored in the intensional/extensional apprehension of meaning. Towards the end, the model is applied to develop a conceptual account of a case of social, political, and economic organization of human communities as depicted in the visual propaganda of the so-called Islamic State.
8

Methodism and public life in Zimbabwe : an analysis of the Wesleyan Methodist Church in Zimbabwe's impact on politics from 1891-1980

Madhiba, Simon 07 December 2011 (has links)
This study is a historical analytical investigation and theological interpretation of Wesleyan Methodists' political teaching and practice in Zimbabwe from 1891 to 1980. In an attempt to come up with an informed interpretation of the political teaching and activities, the study traced Wesleyan Methodist political praxis John Wesley, the founder of Methodism and interpreted his teaching and practice from a third world perspective. That perspective was used as a basis for evaluating the contextualisation of his teaching by Wesleyan Methodists in Zimbabwe. The Zimbabwean Wesleyan Methodists' political teaching and practice during the colonial era were explored using four themes: politics of land, race relationships, Federation and war. Two hypothetical statements were tested in this study: Wesleyan Methodism outlines a framework for constructive participation in politics, and the Wesleyan Methodist Church in Zimbabwe provided and supported positions of political leadership in Zimbabwe. The objectives of this study are to: unveil successes and failures of Wesleyan Methodists in Zimbabwean political arena, expose the historical significance of Wesleyan Methodist influence in politics for Zimbabwean history and present a historical account of the Wesleyan Methodist Church in Zimbabwe. The methodology preferred in this study included oral history and a combination of the ecumenical and southern approaches to Church history. The study utilised archival and oral data as primary sources, the translation model of contextual theology, holistic framework for analysing history, the principle of the overriding right and the conflict transformation model as part of the methodology. Through the use of the translation model of contextual theology, the study revealed how John Wesley used principles from the Christian message and Church tradition in addressing his political context. The study exposed that John Wesley was obsessed with accountability to God and constituency, respect for every person, respect for political structures as well as authorities and relationships among people as fundamental pillars in political activities. He based these on his understanding of God's free grace, people's liberty to accept or reject that grace and the validity of popular religious expression. The study revealed that Wesleyan Methodists in Zimbabwe had a special relationship with the colonial government due to an invitation by Cecil John Rhodes for the church to participate in the Pioneer Column. The relationship determined how retrogressive or progressive ministers responded to government requirements and made demands on government until the country's independence in 1980. The study also exposed how retrogressive Wesleyan Methodists moved from acceptance and collaboration to acceptance and selective rejection of colonial policies and how both retrogressive and progressive ministers employed the concept of non-contestation of participation in armed conflict and throwing one’s lot on the expected side. It also showed how progressive ministers contributed to the political emancipation of Africans and the role played by the mission-educated elite in Zimbabwe. The study ended with pointing out that Zimbabwean Wesleyan Methodist political teaching and practice had very bright future prospects at the independence of the country in 1980. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2011. / Church History and Church Policy / Unrestricted
9

Samuel P. Huntington a jeho přínos historické sociologii / Samuel P. Huntington and his contribution to the historical sociology

Mrázek, Jaroslav January 2011 (has links)
This graduation thesis is trying to examine the work of the American political scientist Samuel P. Huntington and refers to his contribution to the historical sociology. This work presents the most important theses, sets them into the context, possibly compares them with ideas or works of another social scientists. The first part of the work deals with this author as a person, with his professional life and makes clear a selection of the studies, which forms a skeleton of this thesis. The work is trying to describe concepts, which are in some relation with social change. First of all it means modernization, democratization, civil-military relations, civilizations analysis, multiculturalism, crisis of democracy and crisis of american identity. The work follows the chronology, in which author's books were being out. This is a reason, why the themes are presented in order, in which Huntington was focusing on them. The chronological aspect falls back, when the themes are mentioned by author in another books. The end of the work points out the contribution of Samuel Huntington to the historical sociology and in general adverts to importance of his work. Keywords: civil-military relations, modernization, democratization, civilization, identity, political order, multiculturalism, uni-multipolar system, islam
10

The dynamics of informality and its implications for a new economic political order / La dynamique de l'informalité et ses implications pour un nouvel ordre politico-économique

Vu, Thanh Thuy 29 September 2014 (has links)
La présente thèse explore la dynamique des institutions informelles dans la gouvernance nationale et mondiale et l'ajustement de l'ordre politico-économique, dans un pays en transition et à l'échelle mondiale dans un contexte de crise financière internationale, en utilisant l'approche institutionnelle comparative. Elle adopte le point de vue de la nouvelle économie institutionnelle (New Institutional Economics - NIE) afin d'étudier comment différentes formes de gouvernance, notamment les mécanismes de gouvernance informels, émergent et fonctionnent dans diverses circonstances. Le chapitre deux fournit la preuve de la prédominance des relations accommodante et concurrente entre les systèmes de fourniture de services publics et d'ordre public, qui sont formellement et informellement décentralisés dans soixante-quatre provinces vietnamiennes. Notre analyse de l’«informalité» dans le chapitre trois soutient l'argument selon lequel les mécanismes formels ne sont pas suffisants pour inciter les acteurs publics à assumer leur pleine responsabilité, mais doivent être accompagnés de ceux informels pour combler les déficits de responsabilité du système formel. L'analyse empirique de quarante-cinq pays développés et en développement dans le chapitre quatre découvre que la non-congruence institutionnelle, en général, a un effet complémentaire sur la taille de l'économie informelle, mais agit comme un substitut dans les pays qui ont un faible niveau de non-congruence, une bonne gouvernance de la corruption, ou une grande pro-activité dans la prise d'initiatives visant à réduire l'écart de perception de la légitimité des activités économiques informelles. / This dissertation explores the dynamics of informal institutions in national and global governance and the adjustment of the economic political order in a transition country as well as on the global scale after two recent global financial crises, using the comparative institutional approach. It adopts the perspective of the New Institutional Economics (NIE) to study how alternative forms of governance, particularly, informal mechanisms of governance, emerge and work in various circumstances. Chapter two provides evidence to the prevalence of the accommodating and competing relationships between the formally and informally decentralized systems of providing public services and public order in 64 provinces in Vietnam. Our “informality” analysis in chapter three has supported the argument that formal mechanisms alone are not sufficient to create incentives for public actors to make private efforts to full accountability, but needs accompanying with other informal ones to fill in accountability deficits of the formal system. The empirical analysis of 45 developed and developing countries in chapter four finds that institutional incongruence, in general, has a complementary effect on the size of the informal economy, but acts as a substitute in those countries that have a low level of incongruence, good governance of corruption, or high proactivity in taking initiatives to minimize the perception gap about the legitimacy of informal economic activities.

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