The present study used a delay discounting procedure to characterize choice behaviors in behavioral impulsivity regarding hypothetical monetary outcomes in relation to political, religious and sexual attitudes. Participants were presented with three separate metrics to measure their political, religious and sexual attitudes and then with delay discounting choices, regarding hypothetical monetary outcomes. In the delay discounting measure, participants were presented with a hypothetical scenario, a preference for a certain monetary amount now, or $1,000 at a later specified time. The survey was administered with 26 participants; however, four of the participants’ data were removed due to errors. Results indicated there was no significant relationship between AUC values and political attitudes - r (22) = .14, r2 = .02, p > .05, p = .26. Results indicated there was no significant relationship between AUC values and religious attitudes - r (22) = .27, r2 = .07, p > .05, p = .11. A significant relationship was found between AUC and sexual attitudes - r (22) = -.39, r2 = .15, p < .05, p = .048. Furthermore, the results indicated there was a significant relationship between AUC values and the communion subscale of sexual attitudes – r (22) = -.48, r2 = .23, p < .05, p = .01. The current investigation has implications for further understanding of choice and decision-making behavior and how to predict and influence the respective choices and decisions to improve the quality of life of all individuals.

The objective of this research is to explore the influence of military service on political behaviors and attitudes. Existing studies of the military have long recognized the existence of a predominantly conservative political ideology with a resulting propensity for strong Republican Party support within the military community, but have failed to explain the likely causal mechanism for this. Drawing on multiple sources of data from the 2008 Presidential election cycle, I utilized a descriptive analysis of campaign contribution data and bivariate and multivariate analyses of data from the 2008 Military Times Survey and the 2008 American National Election Survey. Much of the data also permitted me to analyze the effect of an individual's service branch on their attitudes as well. I examined the behavior and attitudes of the military across several dimensions, including candidate support and positions on policies of particular relevance to the military, including the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. This analysis found that people who serve in the military tend to be conservative but in many ways their political attitudes are reflective of those of the general population. An individual's race, ethnicity and gender appear to have more influence than military factors, with the exception of service in the Marine Corps, on ideology, partisan identification and policy preferences.

This study deals with the National Defense College of Thailand and its alumni, who are senior military and civil service officers of the government of Thailand. The study examines the proposition that the political attitudes of military and civil service officers in developing countries are likely to be similar and negative. The second proposition examined in this study is that the attitudes of government officials toward the people are likely to be similar and negative. The study also attempts to examine the official attitudes on the basis of cluster. Each of the three clusters consists of seven classes of the National Defense College. It is argued that the political contexts of each cluster were different and that these differences may result in the different attitudes of officials in each cluster. The study found that military and civil service officers in Thailand hold similar attitudes toward politics and that the attitudes are predominantly negative. Official attitudes were similarly negative. Attitudes toward politics vary, depending upon the time in which the officials were in government service. Officers who worked within the environment of the military government are the most distrustful of politics while officials who worked under a more relaxed, more democratic political system are not as distrustful of politics. Attitudes toward the people are not significantly different among officers from different political environments. It was found that the number of alumni of the National Defense College who were able to reach the three highest ministerial positions in the Thai government has declined over the years. These positions are minister, deputy minister, and undersecretary. One cause of this decline is the increasing politicization of the country or the decreasing role, activity, and involvement of the military in politics. The second cause is the relatively stable number oi the members of each class of the National Defense College. As the overall number of government officers of the country has steadily increased over the years, this stable number has put these officials at a disadvantage.

This research is an empirical effort to uncover the causal effect of political attitudes on economic growth. The case of study is a sample of OECD countries. Using identification strategy borrowed from Cahuc (2010), the hypothesis of the effect of political attitudes on economic growth is tested in two cross-sectional and fixed effect regression analysis. The result of OLS regression in cross sectional analysis shows a positive significant correlation between inherited political attitudes and economic growth. This means that countries with more social tendencies towards Right (versus Left in political context) are associated with higher economic growth rates. The result of OLS regression in fixed-effect analysis does not show a significant correlation between political attitudes and growth. As a result of weak first-stage, the 2SLS regression cannot provide statistically acceptable conclusion about the causal effect in neither of cross-sectional and fixed-effect frameworks. Thus, the question of causal effect of political attitudes on growth remains open at the end. Moreover, a strong correlations between political attitudes of individuals and their characteristics like gender, age, income, religion and country is detected.

No description available.

Tiriant Lietuvos atvejį disertacijoje siekiama išsiaiškinti, kaip nuostatos politiniais klausimais susiformuoja(-mos) pokomunistinėje valstybėje, nepasižyminčioje aplinka, palankia ideologinėms mąstymo schemoms reikštis. Atspirties tašku konstruojant empirinį tyrimo instrumentą tampa išgryninta kognityvinių schemų teorijų prieiga. Pirmajame empirinio tyrimo etape pusiau struktūruotų kokybinių interviu metu atskleidžiamos dviem politikos klausimais, reprezentuojančiais socioekonominę bei socialinę-moralinę politikos sritis, nuostatas formuojančios kognityvinės schemos. Pirmieji rezultatai toliau plėtojami antrajame tyrimo etape, pasitelkus teiginių klasių rūšiavimo (Q-sort) metodą. Atskleidžiama, jog nuostatas politiniais klausimais formuoja dviejų tipų kognityvinės schemos: principiniame, įsitikinimų lygmenyje operuojančiosios bei pragmatiškoji racionalaus politikos pasekmių efektyvumo vertinimo schema (tyrime jos detalizuojamos ir palyginamos). Taip pat randamos penkios bendros veikiančios ideologinės įsitikinimų lygmens schemos, Lietuvoje veikiančios kaip schemų atskirais politiniais klausimais taikymą koordinuojantis ir jas paaiškinantis mechanizmas. Santykinai šias schemas galima pavadinti laisvos saviraiškos, tvirtos rankos, tradicinės moralės, globojančios valstybės bei pagrindinių teisių garantijų socialinėmis perspektyvomis. Dalis jų gali būti siejamos su tam tikromis „tradicinėmis ideologijomis“. Tačiau svarbiausia - jos leidžia teigti, jog nepaisant ideologiniam... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Main goal of the dissertation is to, by analyzing Lithuanian case, explore how attitudes towards political issues develop in a post-communist country where favorable conditions for the ideological thinking do not exist. The arranged approach of the cognitive schema theories is taken as a starting point for developing the research instrument. In the first stage of the empirical research, the method of semi-structured interviews is used to uncover the cognitive schemas that play a vital role in forming the attitudes on two political issues representing, respectively, socioeconomic and moral spheres of politics. These findings are further elaborated in the second round of the research by employing the Q-sort method. It turns out that the development of political attitudes in both political areas is being determined by two main types of cognitive schemas: one based on fundamental virtues, principle beliefs, and the pragmatic schema based on rational evaluation of the policy outcomes’ efficiency (both of these schemas are compared and analyzed in detail). It is also explored that the usage of these schemas are coordinated and can be explained by one or another of the five shared social perspectives (or ideological schemas) operating in Lithuania. Conditionally they can be named as perspectives of free self-expression, strong leader, traditional morality, patronizing state and basic rights’ assurance. Some of these schemas can be loosely linked to certain “classical” ideologies... [to full text]

Tiriant Lietuvos atvejį disertacijoje siekiama išsiaiškinti, kaip nuostatos politiniais klausimais susiformuoja(-mos) pokomunistinėje valstybėje, nepasižyminčioje aplinka, palankia ideologinėms mąstymo schemoms reikštis. Atspirties tašku konstruojant empirinį tyrimo instrumentą tampa išgryninta kognityvinių schemų teorijų prieiga. Pirmajame empirinio tyrimo etape pusiau struktūruotų kokybinių interviu metu atskleidžiamos dviem politikos klausimais, reprezentuojančiais socioekonominę bei socialinę-moralinę politikos sritis, nuostatas formuojančios kognityvinės schemos. Pirmieji rezultatai toliau plėtojami antrajame tyrimo etape, pasitelkus teiginių klasių rūšiavimo (Q-sort) metodą. Atskleidžiama, jog nuostatas politiniais klausimais formuoja dviejų tipų kognityvinės schemos: principiniame, įsitikinimų lygmenyje operuojančiosios bei pragmatiškoji racionalaus politikos pasekmių efektyvumo vertinimo schema (tyrime jos detalizuojamos ir palyginamos). Taip pat randamos penkios bendros veikiančios ideologinės įsitikinimų lygmens schemos, Lietuvoje veikiančios kaip schemų atskirais politiniais klausimais taikymą koordinuojantis ir jas paaiškinantis mechanizmas. Santykinai šias schemas galima pavadinti laisvos saviraiškos, tvirtos rankos, tradicinės moralės, globojančios valstybės bei pagrindinių teisių garantijų socialinėmis perspektyvomis. Dalis jų gali būti siejamos su tam tikromis „tradicinėmis ideologijomis“. Tačiau svarbiausia - jos leidžia teigti, jog nepaisant ideologiniam... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Main goal of the dissertation is to, by analyzing Lithuanian case, explore how attitudes towards political issues develop in a post-communist country where favorable conditions for the ideological thinking do not exist. The arranged approach of the cognitive schema theories is taken as a starting point for developing the research instrument. In the first stage of the empirical research, the method of semi-structured interviews is used to uncover the cognitive schemas that play a vital role in forming the attitudes on two political issues representing, respectively, socioeconomic and moral spheres of politics. These findings are further elaborated in the second round of the research by employing the Q-sort method. It turns out that the development of political attitudes in both political areas is being determined by two main types of cognitive schemas: one based on fundamental virtues, principle beliefs, and the pragmatic schema based on rational evaluation of the policy outcomes’ efficiency (both of these schemas are compared and analyzed in detail). It is also explored that the usage of these schemas are coordinated and can be explained by one or another of the five shared social perspectives (or ideological schemas) operating in Lithuania. Conditionally they can be named as perspectives of free self-expression, strong leader, traditional morality, patronizing state and basic rights’ assurance. Some of these schemas can be loosely linked to certain “classical” ideologies... [to full text]

Specialized literature associates attitudes considered important to guarantee democratic legitimacy, such as political participation willingness with citizens’ self-recognition of their potential to influence the public sphere. As well, it emphasizes that increasing formal years of study, particularly higher education, as influential on the development of such attitude, also known as internal  political effectiveness.I propose to analyze the educational mechanisms that could explain this relationship; questioning for the Peruvian context if accumulating years in higher education would be enough to understand it. Through multiple regression models, and using the data of a survey applied to Peruvian students from a private university, this article seeks to identify if having more semesters in university would be an influencing factor on higher levels of internal political efficacy or if the experience in a course aimed at challenging students about their citizenship would be more relevant. The results indicate, for the sample selected, that the latest would have a positive and significant effect on their self-recognition as subjects of power from a democratic perspective / unlike the number of accumulated academic semesters. / La literatura especializada asocia diversas actitudes consideradas importantes para garantizar la legitimidad democrática, como la disposición hacia la participación política con el reconocimiento de la ciudadanía sobre sus posibilidades de ejercer influencia en la esfera pública. A su vez, se destaca que, a mayor cantidad de años de estudios formales —particularmente de educación superior—, mayores los niveles de dicha actitud, conocida como eficacia política interna. Propongo ahondar en el análisis de los mecanismos educativos que podrían explicar dicha relación, cuestionando para el contexto peruano si es que acumular años de educación superior resulta suficiente para comprenderla. Partiendo del análisis de una encuesta aplicada a estudiantes de una universidad privada peruana, y aprovechando modelos de regresión múltiple, se analiza si es que más semestres de estudios en la educación universitaria influiría en el desarrollo de mayores niveles de eficacia política interna, o si la experiencia en un curso orientado a interpelar a los estudiantes sobre el ejercicio de su ciudadanía tendría mayor relevancia.Los resultados indican, para la muestra seleccionada, que lo segundo tendría un efecto positivo y significativo en su autorreconocimiento como sujetos de poder desde una perspectiva democrática, a diferencia de la influencia del número de semestres académicos acumulados.

No description available.

The aim of this thesis is to contribute with knowledge about if and how attitudes towards the welfare state in Sweden differ between people who live in sparsely populated areas and people in densely populated areas. We argue that the different conditions for welfare services to operate in different places, where cities have greater access to e.g. schools and health care from both public and private actors, while municipals in sparsely populated areas are characterized by fewer options and challenges in the upkeep of the existing services, could be of significance in people’s differing attitudes toward the welfare state. A quantitative study is implemented using data from the 2018 round of the Swedish Welfare State Survey, where five hypotheses are investigated by multivariate regression analyses. The result suggests that there are no significant differences in people’s attitudes toward the welfare state depending on where you live. Other factors, such as perceived risk, class, gender and age seem to explain differences in welfare state attitudes better. We conclude, however, that the performance of and attitudes towards welfare state services is a subject of interest for future research due to the potential consequences of an escalating urban-rural divide, as seen in other parts of the world.