Research shows that black people watch more television than any other race of people, and, given that television is the most influential media tool, the content of what may affect an audience’s behavior and beliefs deserves analysis. This study examines the black family, alleged pathology, strengths that are specifically associated with them, its portrayal on television, and how television is used as a tool for socialization and influence. A content analysis of the top thirty black family shows that appeared on major network television between 1980 and 2000 was conducted to determine if the family framed was portrayed realistically. Each show analyzed was found to portray some characteristic of strong black families, attributes some media and social critics had not previously recognized or acknowledged. This study suggests that further research is warranted from black family, cultural, and media scholars, as well as social policy and program makers, and on how television influences entire cultures to shift socially and economically.

La notion de communication politique reçoit des définitions diverses qui paraissent irréconciliables : définition de politologue fondée sur une organisation contemporaine de la politique poussant le concept dans le domaine de la propagande, définition de médiéviste mettant l'accent sur l'oralité et la symbolique des images. Amorcé en Allemagne dans les années 1990, un mouvement historiographique tend à se développer en France, mais sans pour autant offrir une définition applicable à l'ensemble de la modernité.En revenant au sens premier de la communication politique, soit à l’histoire politique et plus particulièrement diplomatique, il s'agit ici d’étudier la politique extérieure de la France et ses moyens (réseaux de communication et d'information, correspondances, production imprimée, etc.) et ainsi de retrouver le sens de l’action diplomatique française. Au-Delà de la simple étude fonctionnelle, seule une étude approfondie de la communication peut permettre de voir si et comment un État peut maîtriser un tel outil et dans quel(s) espace(s).Pour ce faire, le Saint-Empire au début de la guerre de Trente Ans fait office de terrain d'étude. La mise en place des différents acteurs et le déroulement des premiers affrontements en font un élément d'observation riche. L'étude se place également dans une période bien définie de l'histoire politique française : l'exercice personnel par Pierre Brulart, vicomte de Puisieux, de la charge de secrétaire d'État aux Affaires étrangères entre avril 1617 et février 1624. / The concept of political communication is confronted to various definitions which seem incompatible. The political one is based onto a contemporary management of the politics which pulls the concept to the field of propaganda. The medievalist one emphasizes the orality and the symbolic of images. Some studies have been led in Germany since the 1990's and intend to grow up in France but they do not offer a definition which could apply the modern era.We would come back to the initial meaning of the political communication, i.e. to the political and diplomatic history, in order to study the foreign politics of France and its means (communication and information networks, correspondences, printed documents, etc.) and find the direction of the diplomatic action of France. In addition to a classic functional study, a thorough study of communication should allow to observe if and how a State can control such tool and in which space(s).The Holy Roman Empire at the beginning of the Thirty Years War has been chosen as object for this study. The establishment of the various protagonists and the first confrontations turn it to a rich observation field. The study focuses too on a well defined period of the french politic history: the personal practice by Pierre Brulart, viscount of Puisieux, of the office of secretary of State for Foreign Affairs between april 1617 and february 1624.

This study examines Swedish party leaders’ strategies in political campaign interviews to both answer the journalist’s question and deliver own messages. The material studied consists of eight fifty minutes long interviews, each with one Swedish party leader, broadcast in the channels of the Swedish public service company Sveriges television in a series of episodes called “Val 2014 #dinröst” in the weeks before the 2014 elections. The answering turns, where the politicians both answer the question given by the journalist and give messages which the question has not explicitly asked for, were analyzed using conversation analysis. Two main findings are the “message post-expansion” and the “message embedding”, two features of the politicians’ answering turns in which they deliver own messages, sometimes with help of a “transitional phrase”. The study is theory generating in the sense that it contributes with these features. The study indicates that the Swedish party leader interview format gives the politicians possibilities to express themselves rather freely. Questions asked by the journalists set the topics but journalists seem to expect the politicians to do more than answering the question, as well as the politicians themselves seem to feel expected to present their positions after answering the question. A conclusion is also that the party leader considers her or his task in the party leader interview as two-sided: she or he shall both follow the Q-A turn-taking organization and deliver own messages. At a macro level, the study suggests that media logic has made party leaders develop strategies to maximize their usage of the party leader interview as a communication channel, and that the features of the “budskapspostinskott” and the “budskapsinbäddning” indicate that mediatization of politics is advanced. In addition, the results make it reasonable to suggest that the journalist and the party leader, from an institutionalistic perspective of mediatization of politics, can have different logics but at the same time have at least one common aim: to provide as many people as possible with a basis to take a stand on the day of the election. With this view, the journalist and the party leader co-work to contribute to a sustainable democracy. The profession dimension of media logic can, thus, in addition to scrutinizing the party leader, include helping the party leader reach the audience with understandable and clear messages. Finally, the actions of the party leaders in “Val 2014 #dinröst” can be understood as indicating that mediatization of politics has reached so far that message construction has become a natural part of the politics dimension of political logic. The construction of political messages can be said to have been triggered by media logic but, in the light of this study, have become included into the dimension of political logic which embraces the work of winning voters and gaining support for political ideas. / Den här studien undersöker svenska partiledares strategier för att i partiledarintervjuer både svara på journalistens fråga och föra fram egna budskap som journalisten inte explicit bett om att få. Empirin består av de åtta knappt femtio minuter långa partiledarintervjuerna i Sveriges televisions program ”Val 2014 #dinröst” som direktsändes under valrörelsen inför de allmänna valen i Sverige den 17 september 2014. De svarsturer i vilka politikerna både svarar på frågan och utnyttjar sin tur till att leverera egna budskap analyserades med hjälp av konversationsanalys. Studien är teorigenererande så till vida att den presenterar budskapspostinskott och budskapsinbäddningar, två konstruktioner i politikernas svarsturer som de använder för att leverera egna budskap, ibland med hjälp av en övergångsfras. Studiens slutsatser är att partiledarna i det programformat som studerats får tala relativt fritt – partiledarna kan sägas ta sig en proaktiv roll, och deras budskapspostinskott och budskapsinbäddningar tycks för både journalist och politiker ingå som en naturlig del i programformatet. En slutsats är också att partiledaren ser sig ha ett tudelat uppdrag i partiledarintervjun – att både följa frågasvarturtagningsordningen och föra fram egna budskap. På en makronivå anför studien att det är medielogiken som har gjort att partiledarna har utvecklat strategier för att maximalt kunna nyttja partiledarintervjun som kanal, och att studiens budskapspostsinskott och budskapsinbäddningar kan ses som ett indicium på att mediatization av politiken är mycket långtgående. Därutöver konstateras att journalist och partiledare utifrån ett institutionalistiskt mediatization-perspektiv kan utgå från olika logik och samtidigt ha åtminstone ett gemensamt mål: att hålla ett begripligt och levande samtal för att så många tittare som möjligt ska tillhandahållas underlag för att ta ställning på valdagen. På så sätt kan de sägas tillsammans bidra till en hållbar demokrati. Professionsdimensionen av medielogiken kan utifrån det förda resonemanget gå ut på att journalisten, utöver att granska politikern kritiskt, ska hjälpa politikern att nå ut med sina budskap på ett lättfattligt sätt. Det föreslår den här studien. Till sist kan partiledarnas ageranden i ”Val 2014 #dinröst” sägas tyda på att mediatization av politiken har gått så långt att budskapsformulering har blivit en naturlig del i politics-dimensionen av politiken. Budskapsformulering kan sägas ha triggats av medielogiken men bör i ljuset av den här studien inte längre ses som en effekt av medielogiken som står vid sidan av politikens politics-dimension utan som en numera naturlig och självklar införlivad del av den dimension av politiken som handlar om att få väljarstöd och vinna gehör för olika frågor.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:29:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Margap1a102.pdf: 959909 bytes, checksum: e6eaaf325a07c224421af9f5d3dfeb58 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-04-08 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This dissertation focuses on the impact of political communication in the press coverage during the pre-candidature of Dilma Vana Rousseff for president of Brazil. The objective is to verify the political marketing strategies used to promote the name of the pre-candidate, as depicted by the magazines Veja and CartaCapital between March of 2008 and April of 2010, period that preceded the official nomination of the president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva s successor. To develop the dissertation some concepts have been discussed, such as: political communication, electoral and political marketing, gender issues in politics and in the Brazilian society, and the female journey in the fight for equal rights that transformed the social imagery in relation to the women s role. Subjects such journalism and political cover in Brazil and a concise overview about political trajectory post-dictatorship in Brazil have also been considered besides the biographic profile of Dilma Rousseff. The importance of this research is in verifying how the pre-candidature of a woman to the highest public position in Brazil has echoed in the press, considering the difficulties and challenges of the female fight in the Brazilian politics. It is a quantitative and qualitative analysis with the use of content analysis, according to Laurence Bardin, that includes quantitative and qualitative perspectives. Through on the research it has been verified that the gender issue was one of the factors that positively influenced the election and, mainly, that the repercussion was positive to the political marketing intentions to promote the candidature of Dilma Rousseff to presidential succession. / A presente dissertação tem como tema o impacto da comunicação política na cobertura da grande imprensa durante a pré-candidatura de Dilma Vana Rousseff à presidência da República. O objetivo é verificar quais estratégias de marketing político utilizadas para viabilizar o nome da pré-candidata foram retratadas nas revistas Veja e CartaCapital entre março de 2008 e abril de 2010, período que antecedeu a indicação oficial da sucessora do então presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Para desenvolver a dissertação foram discutidos conceitos de comunicação política, marketing político e eleitoral, bem como as questões de gênero na política e na sociedade brasileira e o percurso feminino na luta pela igualdade de direitos, que transformaram o imaginário social em relação ao papel da mulher. Também foram tratados temas como jornalismo e cobertura política no Brasil e um breve panorama sobre a trajetória política do Brasil pós-ditadura, além do perfil biográfico de Dilma Rousseff. A importância desta pesquisa está justamente em verificar como repercutiu na imprensa a pré-candidatura de uma mulher ao cargo público mais elevado no país, considerando as dificuldades e os desafios da luta feminina na política brasileira. Trata-se de um estudo quantitativo e qualitativo, com uso de técnica de análise de conteúdo que de acordo com Laurence Bardin inclui perspectivas quantitativas e qualitativas. Com a pesquisa foi possível verificar que a questão do gênero foi um dos fatores que influenciaram positivamente as eleições e, principalmente que a repercussão obtida nas revistas foi positiva às intenções de marketing político para viabilizar a candidatura de Dilma Rousseff à sucessão presidencial.

As condições de produção jornalística das mídias legislativas da Câmara dos Deputados são apresentadas neste trabalho a partir de três eixos de análise: cultura política, cultura jornalística e cultura institucional. Delineados para explicar as interferências e influências de diferentes campos sociais na atividade jornalística, esses conceitos são explicitados através dos dados empíricos coletados por meio de observação-participante e entrevistas em profundidade com os atores envolvidos no processo. As duas técnicas de caráter etnográfico foram utilizadas na construção de uma etnografia da produção das quatro mídias legislativas mantidas pela instituição: TV Câmara, Agência Câmara, Rádio Câmara e Jornal da Câmara. A conclusão do trabalho apresenta uma reflexão sobre os conceitos de comunicação política, comunicação institucional e comunicação pública, conforme eles aparecem nos veículos de comunicação do Parlamento.

The recent growth of social media and other internet technologies is believed to diminish the control of political elites over information flows and enable citizens to be active participants of political processes. Practice shows, however, that this general tendency acquires different forms in different geopolitical contexts. This master thesis intends to investigate how social media are used for the purposes of daily communication of political opposition in Belarus, where dominant traditional media channels are monopolized by the government. The analysis involves mixed approach methodology, which combines content analysis of Facebook posts of Belarusian opposition representatives and qualitative interviews with them. The research articulates an important role of social media in Belarus as one of a few mediums where opposition politicians can exist without pervasive control of authorities. However, the results show that the presence of opposition on social media doesn't necessarily increase their chances to gain political weight or activates civic participation in the country. The effectiveness of their communication is to a large extent predefined by social and political environment in the country. A practical implication of the study is that potentially effective directions for political communication of Belarusian opposition have been outlined.

The diploma thesis is dealing with the analysis of the use of social networks by two canadian political parties and their leaders during the Canadian federal election 2015. The thesis refers to the theory of political communication, election campaigns and political marketing as the theoretical basis. It approaches the concept of Web 2.0 and identifies two major social media functions in political communication, dissemination of information and engagement. Use of social media and the representation of the these features is further analyzed by quantitative content analysis on social networks Facebook, Twitter and Youtube. The thesis builds on the past and present social networking research and can serve as a basis for further research into the use of social networks in political communication.

Esta pesquisa teve como objetivo identificar, descrever e examinar alguns aspectos da educação política no Brasil, mais especificamente as estratégias de uso de elementos da cultura empregadas pelos consultores de marketing político no seio das campanhas eleitorais. Neste estudo, defendeu-se duas teses: a) o marketing como uma matriz de educação política e b) os consultores como intérpretes da cultura. Observou-se, portanto, que esses agentes da política, da educação e da cultura agem como administradores de uma informação acumulada, por meio de uma ação pedagógica e socializadora difusa da população. Identificou-se os interesses diversificados de agentes na adesão a um espaço social específico, descreveu-se a institucionalização do marketing político no interior do campo científico e interpelou-se a categoria nativa intérpretes na produção de crenças e entendimentos sobre a política. Com o objetivo de aprofundar a compreensão das duas teses, discutiu-se a memória e a fofoca como conteúdos e didáticas das campanhas eleitorais. Para cumprir o empreendimento intelectual proposto, foi realizada uma etnografia multissituada, de caráter exploratório, inovador e inédito na área de educação, analisando um conjunto de dados multilocalizados e oriundos de propagandas eleitorais; de contextos de produção de uma campanha específica, realizada na Amazônia brasileira; de livros produzidos por consultores; de entrevistas realizadas com eles e de outras referências encontradas no trabalho de campo e vividas pelo autor da pesquisa. Com a intenção de que o presente estudo venha contribuir para um entendimento mais amplo e eficiente a respeito da construção social da realidade nos dias atuais, propôs-se investigar as formas de sintetizar a cultura no que se refere à produção de possíveis tentativas de educação dos modos de concepção, classificação, julgamento e imaginação da população no âmbito político. Por fim, buscou-se contribuir para a ampliação do escopo investigativo da sociologia da educação no que tange aos processos educacionais difusos e de massa, e que influem substancialmente no futuro do país, que não estão restritos à escola, mas que podem chegar à ela. / This research aimed at identifying, describing and examining some aspects of political education in Brazil, more precisely the use of cultural elements by political marketing consultants in electoral campaigns. Two theses were defended by this study: a) Marketing as a source for political education and b) consultants as the interpreters of culture. It was observed, therefore, that these agents of politics, education and culture operate as managers of accumulated information, by means of pedagogic action and socializing practices of the population. Diversified interests of these agents were identified in support of a particular social area, the institutionalization of political marketing within the scientific field was also depicted, and the native status of interpreters in the creation of political views and beliefs was questioned. With the objective of deepening the understanding of the two theses, collective memory and rumors were discussed as content of and educational approaches to electoral campaigns. In order to accomplish the proposed intellectual enterprise, a multi-sited ethnographic study that was exploratory and innovative in character and unprecedented in the educational field, was created by analyzing a set of multi-locational data derived from electoral campaigns; in fact as a result of a particular campaign, which took place in the Brazilian Amazon; from books written by those consultants; interviews and other references that were found during fieldwork and experienced by the author of the research. With the purpose to provide a broader and more efficient understanding concerning the construction of our current social reality, the present case study aimed at exploring ways to synthesize culture regarding the production of possible attempts to educate the population in of methods of conception, classification, judgment and imagination in the realm of politics. Lastly, the intention was to widen the investigative scope of sociology of education related to widespread and mass educational procedures, which have a substantial influence on the future of the country, and which arent limited to the school system, but that can reach it.

As condições de produção jornalística das mídias legislativas da Câmara dos Deputados são apresentadas neste trabalho a partir de três eixos de análise: cultura política, cultura jornalística e cultura institucional. Delineados para explicar as interferências e influências de diferentes campos sociais na atividade jornalística, esses conceitos são explicitados através dos dados empíricos coletados por meio de observação-participante e entrevistas em profundidade com os atores envolvidos no processo. As duas técnicas de caráter etnográfico foram utilizadas na construção de uma etnografia da produção das quatro mídias legislativas mantidas pela instituição: TV Câmara, Agência Câmara, Rádio Câmara e Jornal da Câmara. A conclusão do trabalho apresenta uma reflexão sobre os conceitos de comunicação política, comunicação institucional e comunicação pública, conforme eles aparecem nos veículos de comunicação do Parlamento.