It is a qualitative study about political socialization of first-generation ethnic Russian immigrants in Central and South Florida. The method used is a constructivist grounded theory with two-level coding. Based on data collected in forty in-depth interviews, I constructed a model of political socialization. It incorporates a starting point (the legal status in the US), triggers (English language proficiency, spousal support, and parenting), political socialization agencies (English as Second Language classes, a spouse, volunteering, the church) and output structures (bureaucratic institutions). Using respondents’ opinions about American vs. Russian political systems and mass media, their political participation, and views about political efficacy, I created an original classification of immigrants’ political attitudes and behavior. The classification consists of four groups: the Admirers, the Skeptics, the Incurious, and the Recluses. This study fills the gap in the literature about Russian-speaking immigrants in the US. It also contributes to the cache of micro-theories on immigrant political socialization.

Strikes are according to Lindvall most probable in countries where 35 to 40% of the working people are members in trade unions. France has shown to be a deviant case to the empirical findings of Lindvall with low number of members in trade unions, but high number of strikes.  The overarching question is: Can the political culture explain the high number of strikes in France and if so how? Ronald Inglehart's theory of political culture as well as the theory Civic culture by Almond and Verba have been used.  Considering the empirical findings and with support of the theories used I conclude that political culture to an extent can explain the high number of strikes in France. There are no implications that trust in others as well as institutions, government and political parties have an impact on strikes. The economic situation of the household or the state are not found to be explanatory factors either. Dissatisfaction with one's life situation, work situation, or situation in the country did not either show any statistical significance. When analysing the answers to the questionnary I can state that the respondents not only supported strikes to have better work conditions and see changes. They also went on strike to support others, because they considered it as a duty and because they found it important to show participation. There were also those who considered that it was important to celebrate the French history. Strike is also supported by people who did not go on strike themselves. It is clearly understood that strikes are respected by a majority.  The conclusion is that if you have a country with a democratic system and a political culture which to a greater extent is participatory ( even if there are subcultres or tendencies of parochial and subject culture ) and the historical context as France does have, that might well be the explanation for its high number of strikes. The reason for France being the deviant case can lie within the combination of its political culture as well as its history. It cannot be stated that a specific political culture alone explains strike density. It can however be stated that specific variables are seen to have more impact or vary with higher number of strikes and these are in this study positive expectations and satisfaction with the democratic system which are characteristic of participatory political cultures.  Keywords: strikes, civic culture, political culture

Thesis advisor: Marilynn Johnson / This dissertation examines how a coalition of nationalist organizations invented, revised, and popularized the performance of patriotic traditions in everyday life in the United States. Between 1920 and 1955, the Nationalist Network encouraged public schools, local governments, and sports and entertainment venues to incorporate patriotic symbols and rituals into Americans’ daily lives. This “everyday nationalism” included traditions as simple as displaying the American flag in front of government buildings or as elaborate as reciting the Pledge of Allegiance or performing “The Star-Spangled Banner.” The Network’s strategy entailed popularizing patriotic traditions in American society before asking for the endorsement of the federal and state governments. Some of these traditions remain integral to American national identity in the twenty-first century, in large part because the Network normalized the idea that patriotism must be publicly performed. The Nationalist Network comprised a variety of civic, hereditary, and veterans’ organizations, most notably the Daughters of the American Revolution, American Legion, and Veterans of Foreign Wars, which collaborated to advance their goal of spreading everyday nationalism. These organizations largely represented upper middle-class, white, Protestant, American-born citizens and the groups’ leaders believed that immigrants, people of color, workers, and others different from themselves were inherently less patriotic and needed to regularly perform patriotic traditions to truly become American. The Network began popularizing patriotic traditions as part of everyday life in the 1890s but between 1920 and 1955, its work became politically polarized. During these decades, right- and left-wing forces within the Network contested whether American national identity should be exclusive or inclusive. By examining the period between 1920 and 1955, we can see how different ideological factions of the Network used patriotic culture to appeal to Americans’ sense of national pride and to advance their particular beliefs about what the United States can and should represent. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2022. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

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No / This original volume seeks to get behind the surface of political events and to identify the forces which shaped politics and culture from 1680 to 1840 in Germany, France and Great Britain. The contributors, all leading specialists in the field, explore critically how 'culture', defined in the widest sense, was exploited during the 'long eighteenth century' to buttress authority in all its forms and how politics infused culture. Individual essays explore topics ranging from the military culture of Central Europe through the political culture of Germany, France and Great Britain, music, court intrigue and diplomatic practice, religious conflict and political ideas, the role of the Enlightenment, to the very new dispensations which prevailed during and after the French Revolution and the Napoleonic watershed. The book will be essential reading for all scholars of eighteenth-century European history.

In early Philadelphia, 1783-1788, the classics formed a pervasive presence on the city's cultural, political, and physical landscape. As the American nation commenced its republican experiment, references to the classics in Philadelphia especially emerged as a vehicle and vocabulary employed by statesmen for fashioning a people, political culture, and national identity. According to political theories of republicanism, statesmen in Philadelphia had a vested interest in cultivating the virtue of their citizens. As symbols and lessons in patriotism and virtue, classical antiquity was incorporated into civic iconography and national foundation narratives and projected to the broader public. This thesis examines the classical presence in Philadelphia, 1783-1788. It specifically analyses the public presentation and dissemination of the classics in three cultural avenues beyond the walls of the academy, newspapers, spectacles, and orations, in order to evaluate the barriers and opportunities for engagement with the classics by the broader Philadelphia public. I argue that although the gates to a traditional higher education were shut to many of the Philadelphia public, cultural avenues existed that allowed the classics to disseminate to the wider populace. The broader public was invited to engage with the classics when it served a political purpose and lessons in patriotism and virtue were being transmitted. However, this inclusion was often controlled, mediated, and implemented on the terms of the elite. Further, the classics still served as markers of status, and the two contradictory functions held by the classics placed the wider Philadelphia public on the threshold of inclusion and exclusion. / Master of Arts

本文以明人對宦官態度轉變及其相應行動爲中心，著重從政治文化互動的角度，探討在明代君權專制強化而滋生發達宦官政治情況之下，士大夫如何因應這一政治結構和政治生態的變化，調整思維與行動的方式，施展和落實儒家的政治理想與目標的過程、言行表現及其意義。 / 本文認爲明代中後期的士大夫在對待宦官態度與問題上，出現重要的轉變與調適，他們趨向於呼籲改變與宦官對立的關係，普遍強調宦官具備與常"人"一致的天性與善端，主張以引導和"教化"的方式令其從善。這一思維轉向的要義，是中晚明的士大夫在承認宦官官僚政治和認識宦官顯著角色及地位的基礎上，思考通過"改造"宦官進而改善政治。 / 中晚明時期這股思維轉向更重要地表現為以"化宦"為中心内容的行動與實踐。對宦官讀書之所--内書堂重振的共識與努力以及撰作宦官教化用書，即是這一實踐的直接落實。中晚明人士在内書堂教育和撰作宦官教化書籍中，均重視以歷史和本朝歷史上的宦官善惡實例來強化宦官道德理想教育，感召和鼓勵其去惡向善、忠君愛國以及輔養君德。這是他們借"化宦"來"格君"的努力，是他們施展上層經世理想的表現和重要内容。 / 在晚明集中出現的衆多宦官教化用書中，萬曆初王畿所作"化宦"書《中鑒錄》是一本對宦官有實際影響和感召力的著作。這與書中揚棄傳統偏見，尊重並同情宦官歷史，鼓勵他們具有常"人"的良知等情形密切關係。與之相反的個案則是張世則撰作的《貂璫史鑒》，以受到宦官排斥告終。其"成敗"視乎它們有否契合中晚明以來宦官在知識文化增廣之餘主體和自我意識提高的趨向。 / 綜核本文討論所得，主要有以下三點認識。第一，明代士人與宦官的關係複雜多樣，不能以對抗與勾結的二元結構予以簡單處理。中晚明時期不斷出現的"化宦"思想和實踐顯示，士大夫傾向於覺得他們與宦官處於同一政治文化之中，並且有意強化已趨"一體"的向路。第二，在政治現實不利和政治空間有限的情況下，明代士大夫能務實而敏銳地利用"化宦"來"格君"，可見他們不曾放棄得君行道的理想，熱情未減。這是政治與文化之間高度呼應、交互影響與滲透的應有真義和全貌。第三，儒家核心價值系統中的原則為後人改造世界提供精神和經典的來源。中晚明人士思考宦官具有"人"的面向與價值並將他們納入"有教無類"之中，顯示儒家價值系統只有回到現實政治與社會生活中並積極地予以回應，摸爬滾打中，才能得到充實和實踐。這是儒學實踐性的特點和要求。 / This dissertation studies the attitudes and actions of scholar-officials to the eunuchs in the Ming dynasty. From the perspective of political and cultural interaction, it explores how scholar-officials coped with changes in the political structures and political ecologies in which eunuch politics became a major issue of government. It examines scholar-officials’ thinking and action in dealing with the eunuchs while attempting to implement their political ideal when monarchical despotism reigned in Ming times. / The study finds that there are important changes in scholar-officials’ attitudes in mid and late Ming times. Instead of discrimination against eunuchs they tended to see eunuchs as their equal as human beings. They believed that eunuchs have similar human nature and humaneness as theirs, and advocated making them good imperial servants by moral and civil education. They adopted an approach that government improvement can be achieved by “transforming the eunuchs through a Confucian-based education and recognizing the eunuch’s significant role and status in the imperial government. / Mid and late Ming scholar-officials were eager to put their new ideas into actions. They were keen in reviving the Nei Shu Tang（内書堂）, the eunuch school in the palace and in writing books specially intended to educate the eunuchs. These books have a common focus on the eunuch’s moral sense. Good and bad examples from history are cited to encourage them to get rid of evil thought and action and to cultivate their good sense to serve their monarchs and the imperial court well and loyally, thus also to help improve the monarch’s character and enhance his virtues. I consider such effort by mid and late Ming scholar-officials to improve the emperor through educating the eunuchs a key form of upper-level statecraft. / The research finds that the Zhong Jianlu（《中鑒錄》/ Mirror of the Eunuchs）written in the very beginning of the Wanli period by Wang Ji（王畿）, the most famous student of Wang Yangming（王陽明）, was a very effective education book for enlightening the eunuchs. The success of the book owes much to the respect and sympathy it show for the eunuchs. It considers them as ordinary human beings with conscience and good will rather than discriminating them by traditional prejudice. By contrast, the Diaodang Shijian（《貂璫史鑒》/Historical Mirror of the Eunuchs）written by Zhang Shize（張世則）in the middle period of the Wanli emperor, although also aiming to educate the eunuchs, failed to attract them because of a different approach to its presentation. These two examples shows that whether an education book was accepted by the eunuchs depends on whether it responded aptly to eunuch population’s increase in knowledge and cultural achievement, as well as eunuchs’ awareness of their importance in late Ming times. / In conclusion, this dissertation presents the following three views. First, the relationship between the scholar-officials and the eunuchs, which was often considered in oppositional or conflicting terms, was more complex and diverse. Scholar-officials in mid and late Ming times came to realize, and emphasized, that their political culture should be shared by the eunuchs. Second, Ming scholar-officials were pragmatic attempting to rectify their monarchs by educating the eunuchs, who were their immediate servant. This also shows that scholar-officials still had strong interest in influencing the monarch with their ideals and values at the highest level of imperial government. Third, scholar-officials’ consideration of eunuchs as their fellow human beings capable of being educated for good heart and behavior suggests that the Confucian value system worked in a positive way only when abiding to the reality of political and social life. The practice of Confucian learning finds expression and meaning not in empty theories. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 吳兆丰. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 312-336) / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Wu Zhaofeng. / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.9 / Chapter 一 --- 政治、制度史研究中的明代宦官 --- p.10 / Chapter 二 --- 明代宦官與士大夫關係研究的現狀 --- p.22 / Chapter 三 --- 社會文化視角下的明代宦官 --- p.27 / Chapter 四 --- 本文的結構和內容安排 --- p.31 / Chapter 第二章 --- "攻宦"的效果與思考：以成化名臣王恕為中心 --- p.33 / Chapter 一 --- 引言 --- p.34 / Chapter 二 --- "攻宦"與王恕名節的建立 --- p.35 / Chapter 三 --- "攻宦"與王恕"格君"的努力 --- p.40 / Chapter 四 --- 成化末王恕奏疏的彙刊與謀劃入閣的關係 --- p.46 / Chapter 五 --- 餘論："攻宦"的名與實 --- p.54 / Chapter 第三章 --- 調適與轉變：明中後期士大夫對宦官的省思 --- p.57 / Chapter 第一節 --- 真德秀《大學衍義》對宦官的態度及其"反響" --- p.58 / Chapter 一 --- 《大學衍義》齊家之要--目的設置用意 --- p.58 / Chapter 二 --- 《大學衍義》對宦官的態度與定位 --- p.62 / Chapter 三 --- 《大學衍義》宦官部份在明代的反響 --- p.68 / Chapter 第二節 --- 明成、弘年間士大夫對"化宦"的思考與嘗試 --- p.77 / Chapter 一 --- "宦侍亦人也"：丘濬的思考 --- p.77 / Chapter 二 --- "人皆可以為堯舜"：賀欽的嘗試 --- p.84 / Chapter 第三節 --- 正、嘉年間士人對"化宦"的強調與共識 --- p.90 / Chapter 一 --- "性無內外"與"不以類求"：湛若水的個案 --- p.90 / Chapter （一） --- 《聖學格物通》及其對議禮的態度 --- p.90 / Chapter （二） --- "性無內外"：《格物通》對"得宦"的強調 --- p.96 / Chapter （三） --- "不以類求"： 湛若水與太監丘得的來往 --- p.100 / Chapter 二 --- "有教無類"：正、嘉年間儒臣對宦官的普遍共識 --- p.102 / Chapter （一） --- 從黃佐、方鵬到王瓊、顧應祥："不以其人而沒其善" --- p.103 / Chapter （二） --- 何瑭："内臣未必無君子，外臣未必無小人" --- p.105 / Chapter （三） --- 唐樞："有教無類" --- p.107 / 小結 --- p.112 / Chapter 第四章 --- "化宦"與"格君"：中晚明人士重振內書堂的共識與努力 --- p.114 / Chapter 第一節 --- "以為汙辱"：成 弘年間士大夫對內書堂的觀感和態度 --- p.115 / Chapter 第二節 --- "宮府一體"：中晚明士大夫對內書堂的重視和重振 --- p.120 / Chapter 一 --- 初振與新義：正德和嘉靖初年的情形 --- p.120 / Chapter （一） --- 景暘與何瑭 --- p.120 / Chapter （二） --- 陸深與徐階 --- p.122 / Chapter 二 --- 共識與努力：嘉靖中至萬曆中的情形 --- p.125 / Chapter （一） --- 貢汝成："患無以教之" --- p.126 / Chapter （二） --- 郭樸、孫升、趙貞吉 --- p.129 / Chapter （三） --- 李春芳、胡傑、亢思謙、汪鏜 --- p.132 / Chapter （四） --- 姚弘謨、李貴及其《思齊錄》 金達、陶大臨 --- p.136 / Chapter （五） --- 羅萬化、 黃鳳翔、 趙志皋 --- p.140 / Chapter （六） --- 黃洪憲、 張元忭及其《內館訓言》、敖文禎 --- p.143 / Chapter （七） --- 禮部的呼籲：沈鯉《典禮疏》 --- p.151 / Chapter （八） --- 內書堂教材的確定：《中鑒錄》與《貂璫史鑒》 --- p.156 / Chapter （九） --- 教材的挑戰者：焦竑周如砥《中學始肄》 --- p.157 / Chapter 第三節 --- 餘緒：啓、 禎年間的情況 --- p.163 / Chapter 一 --- 東林的聲音：錢士升 --- p.163 / Chapter 二 --- "教養內監，最是重任"：善書的強調 --- p.164 / Chapter 三 --- "我者"與"他者"：宦官劉若愚振刷内書堂的倡議 --- p.167 / 小結 --- p.171 / Chapter 第五章 --- 著作與教化：王畿編纂"化宦"書《中鑒錄》的政治背景與内容特色 --- p.173 / Chapter 一 --- 引言 --- p.173 / Chapter 二 --- 《中鑒錄》的流傳、影響及其版本問題 --- p.175 / Chapter 三 --- 萬曆初王畿編纂《中鑒錄》的背景及其推廣的努力 --- p.187 / Chapter 四 --- 《中鑒錄》初刊和復梓者太監孫隆、劉成的事略 --- p.199 / Chapter （一） --- 翻刻者劉成的生平事略 --- p.199 / Chapter （二） --- 劉成與初刊者孫隆的關係 --- p.202 / Chapter （三） --- 孫隆的生平及其首刊《中鑒錄》的背景 --- p.206 / Chapter （四） --- 孫隆再度提督蘇杭織造期間的政治表現 --- p.216 / Chapter 五 --- 《中鑒錄》的內容安排 特色與取材 --- p.224 / Chapter 六 --- 小結 --- p.239 / Chapter 第六章 --- 同調與異趨：萬曆年間的宦官教化書籍 --- p.241 / Chapter 第一節 --- 《中鑒錄》與萬曆年間宦官教化書籍的持續出現 --- p.241 / Chapter 一 --- 王畿的同調：鄒德涵的聲音 --- p.241 / Chapter 二 --- 宦官"爰書"：李騰芳《宦寺考》 --- p.243 / Chapter 三 --- "銘讒鼎而志梼杌"：徐學聚《歷朝璫鑒》 --- p.248 / Chapter 四 --- "均治"之書：劉元卿《六鑒舉要》 --- p.253 / Chapter 五 --- 勸善戒惡：胡良臣《內臣昭鑑錄》 --- p.256 / Chapter 六 --- 宦官模範：佚名《中貴芳摹》 --- p.258 / Chapter 第二節 --- 張世則《貂璫史鑒》的撰作與命運：兼與《中鑒錄》比較 --- p.259 / Chapter 一 --- 張世則的生平與思想 --- p.259 / Chapter 二 --- 《貂璫史鑒》撰作的政治背景和直接用意 --- p.261 / Chapter 三 --- 《貂璫史鑒》內容特色與其備受宦官冷遇的關係 --- p.266 / Chapter 四 --- 餘論 --- p.275 / 小結 --- p.276 / Chapter 第七章 --- 結語 --- p.277 / Chapter 一 --- 明代士人與宦官關係的重新認識 --- p.281 / Chapter 二 --- "化宦"與士人"得君行道"理想的施展 --- p.282 / Chapter 三 --- 儒家價值系統的充實和實踐 --- p.284 / Chapter 附錄一 --- 丘濬《世史正綱》宦官條目後按語 --- p.285 / Chapter 附錄二 --- 張元忭《內館訓言》 --- p.292 / Chapter 附錄三 --- 王畿《中鑒錄·中鑒答問》 --- p.297 / Chapter 附錄四 --- 王畿《中鑒錄》的按語 --- p.302 / Chapter 附錄五 --- 圖一：馮保《經書音釋》自撰跋文後之印章 --- p.310 / Chapter 附錄六 --- 圖二：金忠《御世仁風》手書跋文後之章印 --- p.311 / 參考文獻 --- p.312

Ng King Sau. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 138-147). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Abstract --- p.iii / 論文摘要 --- p.iv / Acknowledgements --- p.v-vi / Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction / Chapter 1.1 --- Research Background --- p.1-3 / Chapter 1.2 --- Research Questions --- p.3-5 / Chapter 1.3 --- Research Significance --- p.5-7 / Chapter 1.4 --- Overview of the Research --- p.7-9 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review / Chapter 2.1 --- Definition of Civil Society --- p.10-16 / Chapter 2.2 --- The Idea of Global Civil Society --- p.16-19 / Chapter 2.3 --- Development of Chinese Civil Society --- p.19-23 / Chapter 2.4 --- Development of Global Civil Society in China --- p.23-26 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- Analytical Framework and Methodology / Chapter 3.1 --- Structural Level of Analysis --- p.21-29 / Chapter 3.2 --- Organizational Level of Analysis --- p.29-33 / Chapter 3.3 --- Individual Level of Analysis --- p.33-34 / Chapter 3.4 --- Definition of Culture --- p.34-40 / Chapter 3.5 --- Methodology --- p.40-45 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- Global Civil Society: The case of Greenpeace / Chapter 4.1. --- A History of Greenpeace --- p.46-47 / Chapter 4.2. --- The Mission of Greenpeace --- p.47 / Chapter 4.3 --- The Resources of Greenpeace --- p.48-49 / Chapter 4.4. --- Organizational Structure of Greenpeace: a M-form organization --- p.49-52 / Chapter 4.5. --- Global Strategy of Greenpeace --- p.52-56 / Chapter 4.6 --- Background of Establishment of China Office --- p.56-57 / Chapter 4.7 --- Greenpeace China I: An Introduction to the Hong Kong Unit --- p.57-58 / Chapter 4.8 --- Greenpeace China II: An Introduction to the Beijing Unit --- p.58-60 / Chapter 4.9 --- Greenpeace China III: An Introduction to the Guangzhou Unit --- p.60-62 / Chapter 4.10 --- Conclusion --- p.62-63 / Chapter Chapter 5 --- Guangzhou Unit: Process and Mechanisms of Cultural Diffusion / Chapter 5.1 --- Structural Level of Analysis: An Introduction of Guangzhou --- p.64-69 / Chapter 5.2 --- Organizational Level of Analysis: Cooperation with local civil society and local authorities --- p.69-82 / Chapter 5.3 --- Individual Level of Analysis: Social Remittance Theory and Opinion Leader --- p.82-83 / Chapter 5.4 --- Conclusion --- p.83-84 / Chapter Chapter 6 --- Before Change: Development of Traditional Chinese Civic Culture / Chapter 6.1 --- Chinese Civility: From Traditional to Contemporary China --- p.85-88 / Chapter 6.2 --- Compare Chinese Civility to Western Civility --- p.88-92 / Chapter 6.3 --- Conclusion --- p.92-93 / Chapter Chapter 7 --- After Change: Success and Constraints on Cultural Change / Chapter 7.1 --- Diffusion of the Consciousness of Civil Rights --- p.94-100 / Chapter 7.2 --- Diffusion of the Consciousness of Social Rights --- p.100-102 / Chapter 7.3 --- Diffusion of the Consciousness of Political Participation --- p.102-104 / Chapter 7.4 --- Diffusion of the Consciousness of Community Participation --- p.104-112 / Chapter 7.5 --- Constraints --- p.112-117 / Chapter 7.6 --- Conclusion --- p.117-120 / Chapter Chapter 8 --- Conclusion / Chapter 8.1 --- Globalness and Cultural Change --- p.121-122 / Chapter 8.2 --- Roles Played by Local Civil Society --- p.122-123 / Chapter 8.3 --- Culturla Change led by Greenpeace --- p.124-128 / Chapter 8.4 --- Reflections and Implications --- p.128-129 / Appendix I --- p.130-131 / Appendix II --- p.132-135 / Appendix III --- p.136 / Appendix IV --- p.137 / Bibliography --- p.138-147

This thesis examines the nature of the relationship between migrants’ ideology and the dominant political culture in their host country, exploring what happened to German liberal migrant politicians in 19th century Wisconsin and Queensland. It does this by using Louis Hartz’s fragment theory which he developed in The Liberal Tradition in America and The Founding of New Societies. Hartz argues that the crucial factor in the political development of the new settler new societies was the migration of a fragment of European society bound by a common Weltanschauung or world view. In the United States, Hartz identifies the relevant group as the Puritans who fled Britain in the 17th century, and whose Calvinism he links to Lockean liberalism. Hartz and his collaborator Richard Rosecrance, who wrote the Australian section of New Societies, argue Australia was shaped by the lower-middle and working-class migrant fragment, inspired by political reform movement in England, and who arrived in the first half of the 19th century armed with a utilitarian-radical ideology. With no strong opposition these fragments congeal without reference to Europe and stagnate into monolithic political cultures where all the disparate elements merge into a broad - although at times quarrelsome – national consensus. According to Hartz, this consensus is re-enforced by the individualist capitalism of The American Dream or the radical collectivism of The Australian Legend – which become the foundation of the two nations’ respective national character. Hartz acknowledges that the new migrant from Europe is a constant threat to this political-cultural status quo. However, he says by “consciously articulating the fragment ethic”, the new migrant is absorbed, keeping in check the ideological challenges inherent in migration. This thesis argues that, in the case of the German liberals, who left their homeland in the 1840s and 1850s, the process was more complex than the one Hartz describes. In Wisconsin, German liberalism was most aligned to Jeffersonian democracy and the Germans either rejected outright or never fully embraced other strands within the political consensus such as Puritan moralism, Jacksonian democracy and Hamiltonian federalism. In Queensland their German liberalism was most compatible with utilitarianism and the Germans rejected most elements of classical liberalism, the evangelical element within social liberalism and the working-class radicalism of the Labor Party. They accepted Jeffersonian democracy and utilitarianism in their respective new homes because they were closest to their core German liberal principles of secularism, the primacy of the rule of law, romanticism, opposition to the aristocracy, and an aversion to rampant capitalism. Most important, however, were their attitudes towards the Staat and Volk. The Staat was both as a potential enemy and also a vital ally in liberal reform and the Volk were seen as potential colleagues in a liberal state but also as a danger to stability. Over the course of their careers they ideologically realigned, leaving parties and factions whenever challenged and using their German liberal ideals as their political reference point.

This thesis examines the nature of the relationship between migrants’ ideology and the dominant political culture in their host country, exploring what happened to German liberal migrant politicians in 19th century Wisconsin and Queensland. It does this by using Louis Hartz’s fragment theory which he developed in The Liberal Tradition in America and The Founding of New Societies. Hartz argues that the crucial factor in the political development of the new settler new societies was the migration of a fragment of European society bound by a common Weltanschauung or world view. In the United States, Hartz identifies the relevant group as the Puritans who fled Britain in the 17th century, and whose Calvinism he links to Lockean liberalism. Hartz and his collaborator Richard Rosecrance, who wrote the Australian section of New Societies, argue Australia was shaped by the lower-middle and working-class migrant fragment, inspired by political reform movement in England, and who arrived in the first half of the 19th century armed with a utilitarian-radical ideology. With no strong opposition these fragments congeal without reference to Europe and stagnate into monolithic political cultures where all the disparate elements merge into a broad - although at times quarrelsome – national consensus. According to Hartz, this consensus is re-enforced by the individualist capitalism of The American Dream or the radical collectivism of The Australian Legend – which become the foundation of the two nations’ respective national character. Hartz acknowledges that the new migrant from Europe is a constant threat to this political-cultural status quo. However, he says by “consciously articulating the fragment ethic”, the new migrant is absorbed, keeping in check the ideological challenges inherent in migration. This thesis argues that, in the case of the German liberals, who left their homeland in the 1840s and 1850s, the process was more complex than the one Hartz describes. In Wisconsin, German liberalism was most aligned to Jeffersonian democracy and the Germans either rejected outright or never fully embraced other strands within the political consensus such as Puritan moralism, Jacksonian democracy and Hamiltonian federalism. In Queensland their German liberalism was most compatible with utilitarianism and the Germans rejected most elements of classical liberalism, the evangelical element within social liberalism and the working-class radicalism of the Labor Party. They accepted Jeffersonian democracy and utilitarianism in their respective new homes because they were closest to their core German liberal principles of secularism, the primacy of the rule of law, romanticism, opposition to the aristocracy, and an aversion to rampant capitalism. Most important, however, were their attitudes towards the Staat and Volk. The Staat was both as a potential enemy and also a vital ally in liberal reform and the Volk were seen as potential colleagues in a liberal state but also as a danger to stability. Over the course of their careers they ideologically realigned, leaving parties and factions whenever challenged and using their German liberal ideals as their political reference point.