This dissertation creates a typology of conflict of interest laws, rules and policies implemented and practiced in all 50 state legislatures. The research identifies characteristics of conflict of interest regimes and suggests relationships between these characteristics and public corruption. If finds that the political culture of a state, and the professionalism of the legislature, influence the definition of what constitutes a legislative conflict of interest, thereby sanctioning some conflict of interest regimes to engage in greater self profit of its members than other regimes.

This project discusses the relevant literature on decision-making, looks at the ways domestic violence is discussed and how the terminology has changed/progressed over time, and defines it for the purposes of this project. It then examines four states - an individualistic, resource-rich state; a moralistic, resource-average state; and two traditionalistic, resource-poor states. States were chosen based on their full compliance with the National Incident-Based Reporting System, their categorization as individualistic, moralistic, and traditionalistic as defined by Daniel J. Elazar (1972), and their categorization as resource-rich, resource-average, and resource-poor based on 2010 Census data. By using each state as a case study, this research aids in understanding the domestic violence policies in each state, the history of those policies, the factors at work in policy decisions (i.e. information, resources, and the political culture), and the role of domestic violence experts/advocates in the larger policy realm.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:35:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2006Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:45:16Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 araujo_fj_dr_arafcl_prot.pdf: 1126152 bytes, checksum: 6d40d8cf1815ebe0a5524d7f1ddace63 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Este trabalho volta-se para a análise do mandonismo no Brasil contemporâneo. Tem como objetivo dar conta das suas formas de reprodução e atualização, portanto, da sua sobrevivência. Para tanto, examina o conteúdo da Cultura Política brasileira no que tange às tradições republicana, liberal e democrática, o tipo de estado federativo que se organizou no Brasil e as condições de existência da accountability horizontal e vertical. O enfoque tem como recorte histórico o período que se inicia no pós-1985, quando são restaurados o regime democrático e o estado de Direito. Toma-se como caso-exemplo o ex-presidente José Sarney, tendo-se em vista que ele obteve, nos últimos 40 anos, destaque tanto no âmbito regional como nacional além de ter participado diretamente de todos os grandes acontecimentos políticos no período abordado. Foi, inclusive, o primeiro presidente civil depois de 1964. A tese parte do suposto de que o mandonismo é um fenômeno que não se restringe ao Nordeste ou a regiões mais pobres, como costuma ser afirmado no Brasil. Está presente também nos centros mais ricos, manifestando-se sob formas mais sofisticadas menos caricaturais. Os mandões das regiões brasileira econômicas e politicamente hegemônicas agem de forma sincronizada em defesa dos seus interesses harmonizados o que lhes confere grande eficiência, não se diferenciando dos demais mandões do Norte e Nordeste quanto à prática de governo privado. Assim como estes buscam controlar a alocação dos recursos e manter influência sobre diversos agentes estatais da accountability horizontal, a fim de garantir vantagens na utilização dos recursos e bens públicos e ficar na impunidade. / This work is directed towards the analyses of mandonismo in contemporary Brazil. Its aim is to its reproductive forms and actualizations, and therefore, its survival. To accomplish such work, it examines the contents of the Brazilian political culture in its republican, liberal and democratic tradition, the type of federal State that was development in Brazil and the conditions of existence for horizontal and vertical accountability. This approach has as its historical background the period beginning after 1985, when the democratic system and the State of law were restored. The former president José Sarney was used as a case-example. In the last 40 years, he obtained success both in regional and national scopes. Moreover, he took direct part in all major political events during the period of time studied. Apart from that he was the first civilian president after 1964. This thesis begins with the assumption that mandonismo is a phenomenon that is not restricted to the Northeast or to the poorer areas of Brazil, as it is commonly affirmed. It is also present in the rich centers, being revealed under more sophisticated forms, less caricatured. The bosses of the Brazilian economical and hegemonic political regions act in a synchronized way to defend their own harmonized interests, which gives them great efficiency. They do not differ themselves from the bosses of the North and Northeast regions who the practice their own private government. In the same way, they aim to control resource allocations and maintain influence over many horizontal accountability state agents, in order to guarantee advantages in using resources and public property and remaining under impunity.

Submitted by MATEUS ROBERTO SPOSITO MALVESTIO null (mateusmalvestio@outlook.com) on 2016-07-22T15:28:15Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação 2016 Mateus Malvestio.doc: 332288 bytes, checksum: fd9a31aa98557d53d79d612304eacac9 (MD5) / Rejected by Ana Paula Grisoto (grisotoana@reitoria.unesp.br), reason: Solicitamos que realize uma nova submissão seguindo a orientação abaixo: O arquivo submetido está sem a ficha catalográfica. Inserir a data de defesa na folha de aprovação. A versão final da dissertação/tese deve ser submetida no formato PDF (Portable Document Format). O arquivo PDF não deve estar protegido e a dissertação/tese deve estar em um único arquivo, inclusive os apêndices e anexos, se houver. A versão submetida por você é considerada a versão final da dissertação/tese, portanto não poderá ocorrer qualquer alteração em seu conteúdo após a aprovação. Corrija esta informação e realize uma nova submissão contendo o arquivo correto. Agradecemos a compreensão. on 2016-07-22T20:09:55Z (GMT) / Submitted by MATEUS ROBERTO SPOSITO MALVESTIO null (mateusmalvestio@outlook.com) on 2016-07-24T14:24:25Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação 2016 Mateus Malvestio submissão.pdf: 529918 bytes, checksum: 8583f59c7463877d0d5972a342eb1b09 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Paula Grisoto (grisotoana@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-07-28T13:53:34Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 malvestio_mrs_me_fran.pdf: 529918 bytes, checksum: 8583f59c7463877d0d5972a342eb1b09 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-28T13:53:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 malvestio_mrs_me_fran.pdf: 529918 bytes, checksum: 8583f59c7463877d0d5972a342eb1b09 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-05-24 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) / O presente trabalho de dissertação propõe uma análise conceitual do Clientelismo, bem como suas práticas, formas de reprodução e conceitos inerentes tais como: patrimonialismo, troca política e simbólica, patronagem, máquina política, entre outros. Trata-se de refletir sobre o conceito, apoiado nos principais teóricos sobre o tema, esclarecendo como se caracteriza as relações clientelísticas no seio da sociedade, os atores sociais envolvidos e a natureza dessas relações, procurando entender o Clientelismo, como conceito, em sua forma mais tradicional e, posteriormente, como este muda e se adapta as novas realidades democráticas do Brasil pós 1988. Para tanto, é fundamental o entendimento de Cultura Política, uma vez que esse tipo manifestação, o clientelismo, se preserva de forma latente e quase institucionalizada em meio às relações políticas brasileiras, a compreensão de formas de representações, percepções ou significados que um indivíduo, ou sociedade, percebem a realidade é de suma importância para o entendimento da ação política dentro da concepção de Cultura Política e, consequentemente, do objeto de estudo aqui proposto. Sendo assim, por fim, o intuito da pesquisa é esclarecer e discutir concepções básicas do Clientelismo tradicional procurando esclarecer as mudanças ocorridas ao longo do tempo com o conceito a fim de que se possa identificar, analisar e expor suas principais características, promovendo um melhor entendimento das novas relações clientelísticas contemporâneas. / This work proposes a conceptual analysis of clientelism, and their practices, like forms of reproduction and inherent concepts including: patrimonialism, politics and symbolic exchange, patronage, politicial machine and others. It is to reflect on the concept, supported in the main theorists on the subject, clarifying how is the clientelistic relations in society, the actors involved in them and the nature of these relations trying to understand the clientelism, as a concept, in the traditional manner and, subsequently, as it changes and adapts to the new democratic realities of Brazil after 1988. Therefore, is fundamental the understanding of the Political Culture, once that this kind of manifestation, the clientelism is latently preserved and almost institutionalized among the Brazilian political, the forms of representations understanding perceptions and meaning that an individual or society perceptions about the real importance to understand the political action within the Politial Culture designe and consequently this object of study here proposed. Finally, this research purpose to clarify and discuss basic concepts of traditional clientelism seeking to clarify the changes over time with the concept so this way it can identify, analyze and present their main characteristics, promoting a better understanding of contemporary new clientelistic relations. / CNPq: 133300/2014-5

Submitted by VITOR LACERDA null (vitor.lacerda10@gmail.com) on 2017-10-30T21:46:36Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Vitor Lacerda. O Udenismo e Minas Gerais (Dissertação). Franca, 2017.pdf: 1240362 bytes, checksum: 03f6cc7916b2ef017ee88024ad7c60b1 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by LUIZA DE MENEZES ROMANETTO (luizamenezes@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2017-11-09T18:53:39Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 lacerda_v_me_fran.pdf: 1240362 bytes, checksum: 03f6cc7916b2ef017ee88024ad7c60b1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-11-09T18:53:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 lacerda_v_me_fran.pdf: 1240362 bytes, checksum: 03f6cc7916b2ef017ee88024ad7c60b1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-10-27 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / O presente trabalho pretende compreender o processo de constituição e consolidação da cultura política udenista através de Minas Gerais, de seus sujeitos políticos e dos processos históricos vivenciados no país e neste estado da federação entre os anos de 1943 e 1966, marcos que representam respectivamente o ano de publicação do Manifesto dos Mineiros e da aplicação do Ato Institucional nº. 2 que pôs fim aos partidos políticos até então vigentes, dentre os quais a própria União Democrática Nacional (UDN). Para tanto, foram analisados os Diários da Assembleia e os Diários do Executivo, respectivamente os anais do Poder Legislativo mineiro e do governo estadual bem como entrevistas e memórias de parlamentares do partido situados no recorte temporal estabelecido. Esta proposta foi motivada pela indicação bibliográfica que aponta a centralidade de Minas Gerais na história do partido e pelas referências cruzadas que indicavam a participação de udenistas na realização do Golpe Civil-Militar de 1964 e no fato deste movimento ter sido deflagrado em Minas Gerais. Finalizada a pesquisa, foi possível constatar as relações entre o udenismo e a mineiridade, que teria lhe servido como espécie de vetor e fator de identificação para um setor dentro do partido, denominado de liberais históricos; estabelecer as inter-relações entre o processo histórico nacional e regional a partir de seus sujeitos e suas práticas políticas; e entender o envolvimento de Minas, e, especialmente, dos udenistas, no contexto político imediatamente anterior e posterior ao Golpe Civil-Militar de 1964. / The present work intends to understand the process of constitution and consolidation of the udenism as a political culture through Minas Gerais, its political subjects and the historical processes experienced in the country and in this state of the federation between the years of 1943 and 1966, milestones representing respectively the year of the publication os the Manifesto dos Mineiros and of the application of the Institutional Act no. 2 that put an end to the political parties, among them the União Democrática Nacional (UDN). For this purpose, the Diaries of the Assembly and the Executive Diaries were analyzed, respectively the annals of the Legislative Power of Minas Gerais and of the state government, as well as interviews and memoirs of the party's parliamentarians located within the established time frame. This proposal was motivated by the bibliographical indication that points to the centrality of Minas Gerais in the history of the party and by the cross references that indicated the participation of udenistas in the accomplishment of the Civil-Military Coup of 1964 and in the fact that this movement was set off in Minas Gerais. After the research, it was possible to verify the relations between the udenism and the mineirity, which would have served as a kind of vector and identification factor for a sector within the party, called “historical liberals”; to establish the interrelations between the national and regional historical process from its subjects and their political practices; and to understand the involvement of Minas, and especially the udenistas, in the political context immediately before and after the Civil-Military Coup of 1964.

Orientador: Milton Carlos Costa / Banca: Ricardo Gião Bortolotti / Banca: Ângelo Aparecido Priori / Resumo: O objetivo da presente dissertação é compreender o processo histórico que antecedeu e inspirou as obras da Teologia da Libertação. Observa-se que o conjunto de princípios que constituiu a base das obras dos teólogos profissionais e que resumiu suas aspirações surgiu e foi assumido por um grupo específico de jovens, antes mesmo que elas emergissem. Dessa forma, a experiência pessoal de frei Betto é tomada como objeto desta pesquisa, por ser ele um dos mais notórios integrantes desse grupo. Procura-se apreender de que maneira o clima cultural dos anos 1960, somado às mudanças na Igreja Católica e no horizonte político da América Latina, gerou ao longo de mais de uma década, e através de diversos "espaços de formação", uma "chave de leitura do real", reunindo um mesmo corpo de ideias que posteriormente embasou as elaborações dessa corrente teológica e a ação social de seus militantes. Para tanto, são analisadas, aproximadamente, 208 cartas redigidas pelo frade dominicano no período em que esteve preso (1969- 1973), cujas quais em 2008 foram reunidas no livro Cartas da Prisão 1969-1973 / Abstract: The goal of this dissertation is to understand the historical process that preceded and inspired the works of liberation theology. Observe that the set of principles that formed the basis of the work of professional theologians and summarized their aspirations emerged and was taken over by a particular group of young people, even before they emerge. Thus, the personal experience of Friar Betto is taken as the object of this research, because he is one of the most notorious members of this group. Seeks to grasp how the cultural climate of the 1960's, coupled with changes in the Catholic Church and the political landscape in Latin America, generated over more than a decade, and through various "training spaces", a "key reading the real ", even gathering a body of ideas that later based elaborations this current theological and social action of its militants. To do so, we analyzed approximately 208 letters written by the Dominican friar in the period in which he was imprisoned (1969-1973), whose in 2008 were collected in the book Letters from Prison 1969 to 1973 / Mestre

Orientador: Marco Aurélio Nogueira / Resumo: Este trabalho volta-se para a análise do mandonismo no Brasil contemporâneo. Tem como objetivo dar conta das suas formas de reprodução e atualização, portanto, da sua sobrevivência. Para tanto, examina o conteúdo da Cultura Política brasileira no que tange às tradições republicana, liberal e democrática, o tipo de estado federativo que se organizou no Brasil e as condições de existência da accountability horizontal e vertical. O enfoque tem como recorte histórico o período que se inicia no pós-1985, quando são restaurados o regime democrático e o estado de Direito. Toma-se como caso-exemplo o ex-presidente José Sarney, tendo-se em vista que ele obteve, nos últimos 40 anos, destaque tanto no âmbito regional como nacional além de ter participado diretamente de todos os grandes acontecimentos políticos no período abordado. Foi, inclusive, o primeiro presidente civil depois de 1964. A tese parte do suposto de que o mandonismo é um fenômeno que não se restringe ao Nordeste ou a regiões mais pobres, como costuma ser afirmado no Brasil. Está presente também nos centros mais ricos, manifestando-se sob formas mais sofisticadas menos caricaturais. Os mandões das regiões brasileira econômicas e politicamente hegemônicas agem de forma sincronizada em defesa dos seus interesses harmonizados o que lhes confere grande eficiência, não se diferenciando dos demais mandões do Norte e Nordeste quanto à prática de governo privado. Assim como estes buscam controlar a alocação dos recursos e manter influência sobre diversos agentes estatais da accountability horizontal, a fim de garantir vantagens na utilização dos recursos e bens públicos e ficar na impunidade. / Abstract: This work is directed towards the analyses of mandonismo in contemporary Brazil. Its aim is to its reproductive forms and actualizations, and therefore, its survival. To accomplish such work, it examines the contents of the Brazilian political culture in its republican, liberal and democratic tradition, the type of federal State that was development in Brazil and the conditions of existence for horizontal and vertical accountability. This approach has as its historical background the period beginning after 1985, when the democratic system and the State of law were restored. The former president José Sarney was used as a case-example. In the last 40 years, he obtained success both in regional and national scopes. Moreover, he took direct part in all major political events during the period of time studied. Apart from that he was the first civilian president after 1964. This thesis begins with the assumption that mandonismo is a phenomenon that is not restricted to the Northeast or to the poorer areas of Brazil, as it is commonly affirmed. It is also present in the rich centers, being revealed under more sophisticated forms, less caricatured. The bosses of the Brazilian economical and hegemonic political regions act in a synchronized way to defend their own harmonized interests, which gives them great efficiency. They do not differ themselves from the bosses of the North and Northeast regions who the practice their own private government. In the same way, they aim to control resource allocations and maintain influence over many horizontal accountability state agents, in order to guarantee advantages in using resources and public property and remaining under impunity. / Doutor

Orientador: Rachel Meneguello / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-20T00:37:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DelPorto_FabiolaBrigante_D.pdf: 3684985 bytes, checksum: 3afc9ea46f94e01aa97ccafe9d917ff5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: Esta tese estuda os valores políticos dos sucessivos grupos de jovens "em formação" no cenário da democratização brasileira e os compara àqueles expressos por seus concidadãos mais velhos, que viveram, pelo menos, o regime militar. O estudo é baseado na análise longitudinal de surveys nacionais realizados em 1989, 1993 e 2006 e as variáveis utilizadas são a preferência por regimes políticos, a confiança nas instituições representativas, a percepção da eficácia política, o voto voluntário, os hábitos de conversa e informação políticas e a participação em associações ou comunidades de bairro. Com os pressupostos de que a socialização política ocorre por toda a vida e que as experiências políticas mais recentes, com o regime corrente, importam mais na avaliação e adesão a esse regime, a hipótese da tese aponta que a faixa etária dos indivíduos - como "coorte" ou como "ciclo de vida" - não tem impacto independente sobre aqueles aspectos de seu envolvimento político-institucional e democrático. A partir do cenário da adesão majoritária à democracia dos brasileiros e seus paradoxos, a análise dos dados pautou-se em técnicas estatísticas descritivas e exploratórias para visualizar os padrões de transmissão geracional nas mudanças e continuidades da cultura política dos brasileiros e em que medida os jovens que viveram seus "anos formativos" durante a democratização brasileira acompanharam essas tendências atitudinais. Os processamentos estatísticos utilizados (testes de associação, regressões logísticas e análise de agrupamentos) apontaram não haver diferenças marcantes nos valores políticos dos cidadãos brasileiros relacionadas à sua coorte de nascimento. Através do período, apenas a desconfiança política diminuiu em patamares sustentados da coorte mais nova a mais velha, levando a perguntar se as diferenças etárias na desconfiança política não eram, então, efeitos do "ciclo de vida" dos cidadãos ou efeitos composicionais, tendo em vista os crescentes níveis de instrução dos jovens no período estudado. A comparação longitudinal da desconfiança de indivíduos nas mesmas faixas etárias mostrou que as diferenças por faixas etárias também foram significativas, mas diminutas através do período. Por outro lado, quando se comparou o impacto do grau de instrução sobre a desconfiança por faixas etárias, o efeito sobre os jovens em "anos formativos" foi até menor do que sobre seus concidadãos mais velhos. Através do tempo, o controle do grau de instrução afetou, no entanto, a preferência por regimes, sugerindo que os jovens dependem da mediação do aprendizado escolar para a construção de suas preferências políticas, dado que não viveram o regime autoritário / Abstract: This thesis studies the political values of successive groups of young people "in formation" in the Brazil's recent democratization as compared to its older fellow citizens, who lived, at least, the military regime. The study is based on longitudinal analysis of national surveys carried out in 1989, 1993 and 2006 and the variables used are the preference for political regimes, the trust in representative institutions, the perception of the political efficacy, the voluntary vote, the habits of discuss and access at political information and participation associations or communities in the neighborhood or city. From the scenario of the majority adherence to the democracy of the Brazilian citizens and its paradoxes, data analysis was based on descriptive and exploratory statistics to visualize the generational patterns transmission in the changes and continuities of the political culture of the Brazilian and the extent to which young people lived their "formative years" in the time of the Brazilian democratization accompanied those attitudinal trends. The statistical procedures used (tests of association, logistic regression and cluster analysis) showed no remarkable differences in political values of Brazilian citizens related to their birth cohort. Through the period, only the political distrust sustained levels decreased from the youngest cohort to the oldest one, leading to ask whether the age differences in political distrust were not effects of "life cycle" of citizens or compositional effects, taking into seen rising levels of education of the Brazilian youth during the studied period. A longitudinal comparison of distrust of individuals in the same age groups showed that the differences by age were also significant but diminutive through the period. On the other hand, when comparing the impact of schooling on the distrust for age groups, the effect on young people in "formative years" was even less than about older fellow citizens. Over time, the control of the degree's instruction affected, however, the preference for the political regime; this suggest the youth depends on the mediation of school learning for the formation of their political preferences, since they didn't live the authoritarian regime / Doutorado / Ciencia Politica / Doutor em Ciência Política

Democratisation and commitments to transitions to democratic systems has gained momentum as a currency, a necessity, with regard to socio-political and economic development for Africa. In the period following the end of the Cold War in the late 1980’s, there was heightened concern over the pseudo-democratic political establishments in Africa whose negative impact on their economies was blameable for a marked lack of public goods. Political scholars and agencies of Industrialised countries attributed this to stagnation on democratisation process, where consolidation stage of African democracies remains elusive. Kenya is a case and point. This study seeks to contribute to the ensuing debate of crafting versus preconditions to democratic consolidation in Africa. It takes the position that it is the political elite who are the principal agents in designing institution based democracies upon which other socio-economic developments can stand. By focusing on Kenya the study seeks to show that, up to the present moment, the cycle of Kenya’s unconsolidated democracy has been prevailed over by elites’ weakness to commit to deepening democratic values. A sign of hope is therefore in the potential and promise in the emerging young elite in crafting a consolidated democracy in Africa. By focussing on a generational change in leadership, one sees the possibility for Africa to embark on a clearly mapped out and self designed path towards democratic consolidation, led by a younger generation of professional elites. These are not weighed down by postcolonial nationalistic ideals. Their potential and level of commitment to democratic consolidation however needs to be examined. Increased pressures of Westernisation as an after effect of globalisation may have altered/impacted the young elites’ political consciousness and dedication to the African locales. This study thus posits that in order to gauge their inclination to crafting a consolidated democratic landscape of the continent, their political culture must be put under scrutiny. By examining the political culture of the Kenyan young elite this study concluded that more needs to be done to inspire political participation and involvement in this generation. There is general feeling of contentment with the status quo with all its flaws and unchanging poor democratic practises. More has to be done to sever the old undemocratic mentalities and replace them with fresh ideals through wide spread civic education, by using effective instruments like the media and avenues like a reformed school curriculum.

Le processus d’européanisation invite la Roumanie postcommuniste à redéfinir sa culture politique. Bien qu’inachevé, il provoque la mise en place des mécanismes de rétraction du politique. Le déclin contemporain de la démocratie représentative ainsi que de l’engagement partisan, nous invitent à repenser la relation « démocratie – européanisation ». Tant que les conditions ne sont pas réunies pour une démocratisation de l’Union européenne, elles ne le seront pas pour l’amélioration de l’exercice démocratique des Etats qui la composent. L’implantation d’une culture démocratique en Roumanie est endiguée par le manque de compréhension du Politique, mais aussi par l’entrée en post-démocratie d’une culture dont les racines sont paternalistes et clientélaires. Le passage d’une incompréhension du politique à l’impolitique trace les contours d’une culture qui a du mal à se définir. Avant d’être un régime, la démocratie est une culture des valeurs. Cette étude traite de la démocratie comme culture ainsi que des barrières qui empêchent sa transposition dans la Roumanie postcommuniste. Nous allons interroger la manière roumaine de se construire comme société. L’apport de la sociologie historique et de l’anthropologie à la compréhension de la culture politique postcommuniste roumaine reste non seulement important, mais crucial. Il nous permet de percer les différences de trajectoire des partis Social Démocrate – PSD et National Libéral – PNL suite à l’intégration européenne. Notre travail cherche à regarder la culture politique roumaine en miroir de celle européenne, prenant acte de la difficulté à sortir de soi. Une Roumanie européanisée et démocrate dévient plus fictive que jamais. L’européanisation n’améliore pas la qualité de l’exercice démocratique. Prisonnière de la continuité des élites qui entretiennent un lien étroit avec le passé, la culture politique roumaine parle plus de continuité que de rupture. L’européanisation n’entraîne pas la Roumanie au passage d’un régime communiste à un régime démocratique, mais à celui d’un communisme national à une démocratie nationale. Les cadres politiques postcommunistes restent producteurs d’idéologie à partir de l’imitation du modèle européen pour redonner un sens à l’action politique. Pourtant, chaque instant ne vaut pas l’imitation, mais aussi de la création. / The Europeanization process invites post-communist Romania to redefine its political culture. Although incomplete, it causes the setting up of retraction mechanisms of politics.The contemporary decline of the representative democracy and of the partisan engagement invites us to redefine the relationship between « Democracy and Europeanization ». As long as the conditions for democratization of the European Union are not settled, they will not aim at the improvement of the democratic exercise of the States that compose it. The establishment of a democratic culture in Romania is impeded by the lack of understanding Politics, but also by the entry into the post-democracy era of a culture whose roots are paternalistic and clientelist. The transition from misunderstanding politics to impolitic traces the contours of a culture that has difficulty in defining itself. Before being a regime, democracy is a culture of values. This study deals with democracy as culture and the barriers that prevent its transposition into postcommunist Romania. We will question the Romanian way of building itself as a society. The contribution of historical sociology and anthropology to the understanding of Romanian postcommunist political culture remains not only important, but crucial. It allows us to understand the differences between the main Romanian political parties: The Social Democrats (PSD) and The National Liberals (PNL) following European integration. Our study seeks to analyze the Romanian political culture as reflected in European culture, taking note of the difficulty of getting out of itself. A Europeanized and democratic Romania becomes more fictitious than ever. The Europeanization process does not improve the quality of the Romanian democratic exercise. Prisoner of its neo-communist elites who maintain a close link with their past, the Romanian political culture is built between continuity and change. Europeanization does not involve Romania in the transition from a communist regime to a democratic one, but from national communism to national democracy. Post-communist Romanian political parties imitate the European model. Their main goal is to give meaning to their political action. Yet, every moment does not mean imitation, but also innovation.