Carbon offsetting has been an institutionalised response to climate change for over a decade. Over this period, climate change has become more severe and calls for climate justice have become increasingly insistent. Yet the normative controversies of carbon offsetting remain unresolved, as debates about the environmental quality, development impacts and ethical implications of carbon offsetting continue. This thesis explores the relationship between morality and carbon offsetting in three domains. First it provides an evaluation of the ethics of offsetting. Second it gives an account of the 'lay normativity' of the market, describing how carbon market actors interpret and act upon issues of moral concern. And third, it explains offsetting's moral economy. First, the thesis examines the moral rationales for and problems of offsetting in order to clarify the bases of criticisms levelled at offsets by researchers concerned about trends in neoliberal environmental governance. In evaluation of the ethics of offsetting, the PhD recognises some limited rationales, but mainly highlights widespread problems including lack of environmental integrity and failure to produce 'sustainable development'. The structure of the market is shown to create opportunities for malpractice and difficulties for reform. Second, building on work in cultural political economy, the research describes carbon offsetting's lay normativity. The account is based on interviews with over sixty carbon offset market actors including project developers, consultants, auditors, regulators, retailers and buyers in the UK, continental Europe, and in India. Findings show that the market is founded on ethical principles: offsetting is nothing without notions of environmental and developmental care. Critiques of, and reforms to, offsetting are also grounded in principled debate. But carbon market actors often use their power to further commercial interests that are not aligned with production of environmental or developmental value. And yet, even as rationales are ignored and problems are amplified, market actors maintain a discursive semblance of moral behaviour through forms of justification, story-telling and identity work. Third, the thesis explains how principles, profit and power combine to affect the governance of offsetting. It shows that the concentration of power among profit-seeking actors drives the production of offsetting's moral problems in the stages of project development, regulation and retail. Commercial interests in the politics of knowledge lead to manipulation of the discursive framings through which people come to understand offsets. Ethical narratives are deployed to sustain the market in states of dysfunction, enabling privileged groups to gain exchange value at the expense of climate protection and sustainable development. Through this explanatory work, the PhD contributes an original application of ideas about moral political economy to the case of climate change and carbon trading, demonstrating that powerful actors can shape culture and alter our perceptions of right and wrong.

Inequality, institutions and economic growth in Latin AmericaThis essay examines three recent historical approaches to the political economy of Latin America’s relative economic backwardness. All three locate the origins of contemporary underdevelopment in defective colonial institutions linked to inequality. The contrasting view offered here affirms the significance of institutional constraints, but argues that they did not arise from colonial inequalities, but from the adaptation of Iberian practices to the American colonies under conditions of imperial weakness. Colonial inequality varied across the Americas; while it was not correlated with colonial economic performance, it mattered because it determined the extent of elite resistance to institutional modernization after independence. The onset of economic growth in the mid to late nineteenth century brought economic elites to political power, but excluding majorities as inequality increased restrained the region’s twentieth-century growth rates and prevented convergence / En el presente ensayo se examinan tres enfoques históricos recientes sobre la economía política del atraso económico relativo de América Latina. Los tres enfoques sitúan el origen del subdesarrollo contemporáneo en instituciones coloniales defectuosas ligadas a la desigualdad. La visión contrastante que se ofrece aquí reafirma la importancia de las limitaciones institucionales, pero argumenta que estas no surgieron de las desigualdades coloniales, sino de la adaptación de las prácticas ibéricas a las colonias americanas bajo condiciones de debilidad imperial. La desigualdad colonial variaba en las Américas; no obstante, no estuvo correlacionada con el desempeño económico y fue significativa porque determinó la extensión de la resistencia de las elites a la modernización institucional de la Independencia. El comienzo del crecimiento económico desde la mitad y hasta fines del siglo XIX llevó a las elites económicas al poder político, pero al excluir a las mayorías, a la par que la desigualdad se incrementaba, restringió las tasas de crecimiento económico de la región durante el siglo XX e impidió la convergencia.

Submitted by Raniere Barreto (raniere.barros@ufvjm.edu.br) on 2018-04-18T17:45:17Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) danne_vieira_silva.pdf: 1185622 bytes, checksum: 3e3cd82acdf6dac1c8071503f113b0f1 (MD5) / Rejected by Rodrigo Martins Cruz (rodrigo.cruz@ufvjm.edu.br), reason: Inserir keywords , uma em cada campo. UFVJM n?o ? ag?ncia financiadora. on 2018-04-20T14:33:48Z (GMT) / Submitted by Raniere Barreto (raniere.barros@ufvjm.edu.br) on 2018-05-15T17:52:52Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) danne_vieira_silva.pdf: 1185622 bytes, checksum: 3e3cd82acdf6dac1c8071503f113b0f1 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rodrigo Martins Cruz (rodrigo.cruz@ufvjm.edu.br) on 2018-05-15T19:26:31Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) danne_vieira_silva.pdf: 1185622 bytes, checksum: 3e3cd82acdf6dac1c8071503f113b0f1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-15T19:26:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) danne_vieira_silva.pdf: 1185622 bytes, checksum: 3e3cd82acdf6dac1c8071503f113b0f1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017 / A ideologia da classe dominante no atual modo de produ??o ao preencher a totalidade da vida dos indiv?duos lan?a expedientes que visam manter o status hegem?nico, assim, o faz lan?ando cotidianamente expedientes alienantes. Dessa forma, a burguesia imprime sua idiossincrasia sobre o mundo, falseando o pr?prio movimento real para legitimar a sociabilidade capitalista e seu padr?o de acumula??o de riquezas. Portanto, a extrema capacidade produtiva que elevou quantitativamente a fabrica??o de mercadorias, implicou numa nova sociabilidade consoante a tais ditames. Portanto, a sociedade da produ??o em massa, de maneira paradoxal, implicou na consolida??o de uma sociedade de consumo em massa que fizesse a demanda equiparar com a oferta. Nesse contexto surge o marketing como uma ferramenta de direcionamento do consumo atrav?s do est?mulo das demandas individuais ou da exacerba??o das necessidades. Para isso conta com uma s?rie de ide?logos, cuja figura principal situa-se em Philip Kotler, se valem de todo um arcabou?o ret?rico que justifique a exist?ncia n?o apenas do marketing, mas da pr?pria sociedade regida pela ordem do capital. Dessa maneira, a manipula??o se fez presente preenchendo todos os poros da vida cotidiana no tocante de potencializar e exaltar as particularidades do g?nero humano, direcionando-os para o consumismo. Nesse sentido, a presente disserta??o tem como objetivo apreender a an?lise dessa disciplina mercadol?gica sob a perspectiva do m?todo cient?fico da Cr?tica da Economia Pol?tica no sentido de encontrar elementos que comprovem de que essa ferramenta ? uma importante aliada na acumula??o capitalista na particularidade do capitalismo monopolista tardio. / Disserta??o (Mestrado Profissional) ? Programa de P?s-Gradua??o em Tecnologia, Sa?de e Sociedade, Universidade Federal dos Vales do Jequitinhonha e Mucuri, 2017. / The ideology of the ruling class in the present mode of production in filling the totality of the life of the individuals launches expedients that aim to maintain the hegemonic status, thus, it does it throwing daily files alienating. Thus, the bourgeoisie imprints its idiosyncrasy on the world, distorting the actual movement itself to legitimize capitalist sociability and its pattern of accumulation of wealth. Therefore, the extreme productive capacity that quantitatively elevated the manufacture of commodities implied a new sociability according to such dictates. Therefore, the mass production society, in a paradoxical way, implied in the consolidation of a society of mass consumption that made the demand equate with supply. In this context, marketing appears as a tool for directing consumption by stimulating individual demands or exacerbating needs. For this he has a series of ideologues, whose main figure is in Philip Kotler, if they use a whole rhetorical framework that justifies the existence not only of marketing, but of society itself governed by the order of capital. In this way, manipulation became present filling all the pores of daily life in terms of potentializing and exalting the peculiarities of the human race, directing them towards consumerism. In this sense, this dissertation aims to understand the analysis of this market discipline from the perspective of the scientific method of the Critique of Political Economy in order to find evidence that this tool is an important ally in the capitalist accumulation in the particularity of late monopoly capitalism.

Ecuador was ‘refounded’ at the turn of the 21st century, with the articulation of progressive and inclusive ideals in a new Constitution. Social movements and leftist intellectuals in Ecuador have expressed that president Rafael Correa has failed to uphold the 2008 Constitution’s goals and values. President Correa and his Alianza PAIS government have utilized the rhetoric of the revolutionary ideals articulated in the Constitution, but in practice, they have continued to implement the status quo Western development model, and a large part of their development strategy involves ‘neo-extractive’ activities. Hydroelectric energy production is contributing to the ‘neo-extractive’ development model in Ecuador, and its implementation has often violated Constitutional rights. This thesis is an analysis of natural resource extraction in Ecuador and its social repercussions, with a focus on hydroelectric energy production. It is shown that the hydroelectric industry in Ecuador is not as “clean,” sustainable, or non-extractive as it is purported to be, through a case study of the San José del Tambo hydroelectric project and the exploration of an international support for hydroelectric extractivism, the United Nations Clean Development Mechanism, and its misleading framing of extractive projects as “sustainable development.” Social movements in Ecuador are acting to reverse the perversion of their originally revolutionary ideals, and to implement a post-extractive model informed by those revolutionary ideals.

xii, 116 p. : ill. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number. / The following essays address the impact of special interest groups on economic decision making processes. The hypothesis of the first essay is that there exists a dynamic relationship between politicians and lobby groups. Politicians may choose to support "projects" proposed to them by lobbies because they yield clear economic benefits. However, governmental support may continue after these benefits have been exhausted, implying a cost to society and yielding rents to the lobbies. A theoretical framework is developed to model the incentives a government might have to behave in a manner consistent with the hypothesis. In this structure despite the fact that they support projects from which all economic rents have been extracted, politicians are rationally reelected. In the second chapter I examine how structural changes in the US steel industry affect the voting behavior of House Representatives on trade related bills. The hypothesis is that Representatives face opposing incentives after the PBGC bailed out the pension plans of major steel firms. Representatives have an incentive to vote less for protectionist policies, because the bailout makes the steel firms more competitive. But the Representatives also have an incentive to yield to the demands of affected steel workers, who favor more protection after the bailout. The data set underlying this study is a panel including votes on trade related bills over 9 years. The results obtained using fixed effects techniques support the hypothesis. In the third chapter, I develop a theoretical model of the dissolution of countries. I model a society with two different groups of citizens, who have different preferences over public goods, to analyze under which political regime the dissolution of these groups into separate countries is most likely. Differentiating between revolutions and civil wars allows me to look at the effects of both forms of political violence. I find that while the threat of a revolution can induce oligarchies to increase the franchise, the threat of a civil war can induce a. country to dissolve peacefully. The model predicts that peaceful dissolution is more likely in democracies, whereas oligarchies are more likely to risk civil war to stay united. / Committee in charge: Christopher Ellis, Co-Chairperson, Economics; Bruce Blonigen, Co-Chairperson, Economics; Glen Waddell, Member, Economics; Michael Dreiling, Outside Member, Sociology

xvii, 397 p. : ill., maps. / Thousands of films are produced every year in the United States, and only a fraction of these is made by mainstream Hollywood film studios. Independent filmmakers working in regional locations produce the majority of these films, retaining financial, creative and distribution control and working with locally-based cast and crew members. This film activity must be acknowledged in order to fully understand the American film industry. This study examines regional independent filmmaking through case studies of two film communities: Portland, Oregon and Seattle, Washington. Using political economy of communication as the primary theoretical foundation, this study focuses on the infrastructure (systems, policies, resources and practices) that supports and/or limits the production and distribution of independent films. The research utilizes extensive document analysis of historical materials and contemporary documents produced by organizations and individuals, as well as a survey of 60 film professionals and interviews with over 40 film professionals. A central challenge to independent filmmaking is the term "independent," which has been contested by film professionals and scholars; therefore, this study analyzes and offers a new definition of "independent filmmaking." The history of filmmaking activity in Portland and Seattle is presented, as well as an extensive discussion of the contemporary landscape of regional independent filmmaking in these two communities. The study finds that there are a multitude of contradictions pertaining to financing, distribution, labor and myths of independent filmmaking. These contradictions present a range of opportunities and challenges that often simultaneously conflict with each other. The filmmaking communities in Portland and Seattle have notable networks of support, including professional and educational organizations, film festivals, government initiatives and a few locally-operated distributors. However, filmmakers in both cities also share challenges in financing, distribution and labor. The study argues that regional independent filmmaking has made a dynamic and influential contribution to the American film industry and cultural production but has been under-explored in academic scholarship. The research also points to the need to examine and understand the contradictions of independent filmmaking to improve the circumstances and infrastructure that support regional independent filmmaking. / Committee in charge: Dr. Janet Wasko, Chairperson; Dr. Gabriela Martinez, Member; Dr. H. Leslie Steeves, Member; Dr. Michael Aronson, Outside Member

xix, 187 p. : ill. (some col.) / In Chapter II I analyze eco-labeling in the tourism industry, specifically the impact of the Blue Flag label for marinas and beaches on prices of marina slip rentals, weekly sailboat charter prices and hotel accommodation prices. The principal findings include that Blue Flag certified marinas appear to enjoy an average premium between 6.6% and 22% for their daily slip rental prices, between 40% and 49% for their monthly slip rental prices, and 23% for their yearly slip rental prices. Within the sailboat charter sector, vessels whose home marina is awarded the Blue Flag on average carry a price premium between 14% and 20% on a weekly sailboat rental. When it comes to hotel accommodation, hotels managing a Blue Flag certified beach enjoy a price premium between 45% and 270%. In Chapter III I employ a dataset on the global frequency of climate-change-related natural disasters to explain the probability of the start and occurrence, in a given year, of civil war and civil war durations during the last half of the 20th century. Extreme cold events are found to have a measurable positive effect on the probability of civil war starting in the affected countries, previous years' extreme heat events have a positive effect on the probability of a civil war occurring in a given year, and droughts have a positive effect on civil war duration. These findings can be used by policymakers as they contemplate climate change mitigation policies. In Chapter IV I investigate the determinants of ratification delay of a major oil pollution international environmental agreement, MARPOL. Importantly, I analyze the impact of oil spills, as well as various country characteristics, on the time a country takes to ratify MARPOL. The major contribution lies in the examination of impacts of environmental pollution events on international political decision making. I find that the amount of oil spilled decreases the time to ratify MARPOL. This is the first study that seeks to address this issue in a quantitative fashion. The results should inform policymakers by giving them insight into relevant determinants of legislative delay in ratifying treaties. / Committee in charge: Dr. Trudy Ann Cameron, Chairperson; Dr. Wesley W. Wilson, Member; Dr. Benjamin Hansen, Member; Dr. Ronald Mitchell, Outside Member

This case study examines the Self-Help Cooperative Movement (SHCM). Largely ignored by social scientists for the past eighty years, the movement took place during the Great Depression and, while national in scope, it was concentrated in Los Angeles. This movement combined traditional protest tactics with pre-figurative politics; its goal was to provide full employment for all Americans through the proliferation of worker and consumer cooperatives. Despite a very promising start in 1931, the movement collapsed and disintegrated by 1940. This dissertation examines the reasons for the SHCM's early successes and later its failures. The SHCM's early successes were made possible through their alliances with Japanese farmers (who lived on the outskirts of Los Angeles) and people of color in general, Los Angeles businesses and conservative business leaders, and with sympathetic politicians and state agencies. These alliances were, in turn, made possible by the inherent ambiguity of the SHCM's politics, which incorporated both conservative practices (e.g., self-help) and socialist practices (e.g., workplace democracy). This unique mixture, what the Los Angeles Times called "voluntary communism", generated widespread support among hundreds of thousands of unemployed workers and among conservative, socialist, and liberal political actors. In 1933, the SHCM underwent a profound transformation when Upton Sinclair and the End Poverty in California movement assumed leadership of the cooperatives and the California Democratic Party, promising to place state support behind the cooperative movement and in the process both end unemployment and undermine capitalism. The gubernatorial campaign of 1934 became a referendum on the cooperatives. Over the course of the prolonged bitterly fought campaign the cooperatives became associated with communism, and their liberal and conservative allies responded by discontinuing their support. With the loss of this political and financial assistance the SHCM slowly faded away. While the movement failed to achieve its specific goals, its impact on California politics, along with other Utopian Socialist movements in Los Angeles during this period, was immense. By the 1940s both political parties in California were supporting liberal and socialist initiatives (e.g., universal health-care and mass university education).

Research into mainstream (AAA) video games reveals a popularized form of militarized masculine entertainment that is synonymous with violence toward other men and sexualized violence toward women. The means of successful AAA game production are limited to those who have access to sophisticated game engines, advanced programming skills, and substantial financial backing. Consequently, a robust independent “indie” game industry has emerged to promote a greater range of game creation excluded from the AAA model. Drawing on political economic, feminist, and cultural studies approaches, this study seeks to trace the emergent trends and dynamics in the indie industry and analyzes common practices, strategies, and discursive themes of the Independent Games Festival (IGF), their hosting event, GDC, and their parent company UBM. This thesis contributes to media industry studies, game studies, and critical theory and highlights how economic logics shape social relations and influences processes of cultural change.

Denna uppsats undersöker såväl den svenska som den europeiska socialdemokratins strävan efter att i första världskrigets kölvatten inleda socialiseringens av ekonomin. Denna strävan grundade sig på Andra internationalens tolkningar av Marx och utgjorde under socialdemokratins inledande decennier primärmålet för rörelsen. Uppsatsen syftar till att närmare utreda den politiska och teoretiska kontext inom vilken socialiseringsfrågan kom att aktualiseras mellan åren 1918-1920; vilka modeller som arbetades fram och varifrån dessa var sprungna, samt varför socialiseringsförsöken strandade.