Esta tese discute a consonância (ou mesmo a antecipação) de estudos geográficos e geopolíticos desenvolvidos na Escola Superior de Guerra (ESG) com algumas propostas da política externa brasileira nos dois períodos de maior autonomia: a Política Externa Independente (1961-1964) e a Política Externa do Pragmatismo Responsável e Ecumênico (1974-1979). O levantamento das áreas geográficas e geopolíticas cobertas nesses dois momentos mostra uma perspectiva voltada para os países do Sul, denominados países do Terceiro Mundo no período da Guerra Fria. No currículo da ESG, foram examinados programas de curso e fichas didáticas. Nestes materiais, as propostas de temas (disciplinas) eram divididas por continentes ou região, respondendo à divisão geopolítica do mundo bipolar (Leste x Oeste). Nos dois períodos da política externa brasileira focalizados nesta tese, a abordagem geográfica e geopolítica dos trabalhos da Escola manifestou-se também na atuação da diplomacia. O Brasil se projetava para o Sul, nos estudos da ESG e em sua efetiva política externa. / The aim of this research is to discuss the correspondence (or even the anticipation) of some geographical and geopolitical studies developed at Superior War College (Escola Superior de Guerra ESG) with the proposals of Brazilian Foreign Policy in the course of two periods of relative autonomy: the Independent Foreign Policy (Política Externa Independente, 1961-1964) and the Ecumenic and Responsible Pragmatism Foreign Policy (Política Externa do Pragmatismo Responsável e Ecumênico, 1974-1979). The identification of some geographical and geopolitical areas covered in these two moments shows an orientation toward Southern countries, also known as Third World Countries at the time of the Cold War. Study Programs and Didatic Files were examined within ESG curriculum; in these items, the suggestions of themes (disciplines) were divided by continents or regions, according to the bipolar world geopolitical division (East x West). In the course of the two periods of Brazilian Foreign Policy focused on this thesis, the geographical and geopolitical approach present on ESG themes was also noticed on diplomatic actions. Brazil projected itself toward the South, in ESG studies and in its actual Foreign Policy.

Marquées par une histoire conflictuelle, les frontières de la Pologne ont connu depuis 1990 d’importants changements relatifs à leurs fonctions. Cette thèse se propose d’analyser les conséquences géopolitiques de ces changements sur les espaces frontaliers ainsi que sur le territoire polonais, au cours de l’intégration de la Pologne à l’Union européenne (UE), du début du processus d’adhésion à l’UE en 1998, à l’entrée complète dans l’espace Schengen en 2008. Ce travail revient dans un premier temps sur la dimension historique des frontières de la Pologne, caractérisées dans leur ensemble parleur grande instabilité. Ce retour en arrière nous permet de nous interroger, a posteriori, sur la spécificité des faits historiques qui ont marqué de façon durable l’espace polonais et ses frontières. Il propose ensuite une analyse comparative qui s’articule autour de la distinction typologique concernant le statut actuel des frontières polonaises : d’un côté les dyades internes de l’UE, frontières « en déconstruction » ; de l’autre les frontières « en reconstruction » sur les nouveaux confins de l’UE. Il tente enfin de faire la synthèse de ce « jeu des frontières » en analysant ses conséquences sur le territoire polonais. / Marked by a history of conflicts, the borders of Poland have experienced significant changes in their functions since 1990. This thesis aims to analyze the geopolitical consequences of these changes on the border area and the Polish territory, throughout the integration of Poland into the European Union (EU), from the beginning of the accession process in 1998, to its full membership in the Schengen area in 2008. At first, this work deals with the historic dimension of the borders of Poland, characterized by their high instability. This particularity allows us to retrospectively examine, the specificity of thehistorical facts that have durably affected the Polish space and its borders. Then this thesis provides a comparative and multiscalar analysis which revolves around the typological distinction regarding the status of Polish borders: the internal,« deconstructing » EU borders on one side, the new external « reconstructing » EU borders on the other. Finally, this work tries to analyze the effects of this « borders’ game » on the polish territory.

Acompanhamos, nas últimas décadas, a temática ambiental se transformar em um dos principais desafios para a humanidade. Sua dimensão transnacional, alcançada quando os limites naturais não coincidem com os limites políticos, potencializa a complexidade da problemática. Em conseqüência, temas como sustentabilidade e segurança ambiental passam a ocupar posições de destaque na agenda internacional, fato que demanda novas interpretações da concepção clássica de soberania. A questão das águas transfronteiriças superficiais - águas que escoam sobre bacias hidrográficas internacionais - representa uma materialização dos desafios mencionados acima, sobretudo porque esses recursos correspondem a maior parcela da água doce superficial e estão sujeitos a severas ameaças. Entre elas: o consumo excessivo de estoques hídricos limitados, que vem provocando uma crise de escassez; além dos antagonismos inerentes à necessidade de compartilhamento desses recursos, que motivam concorrências entre distintos interesses nacionais. Em função disso, surgem preocupações e questionamentos referentes à capacidade de a água gerar, ou acirrar, tensões internacionais. Partindo das intrínsecas relações entre território e política, essa dissertação identifica as variáveis ligadas ao potencial conflitivo/cooperativo das águas transfronteiriças superficiais. Em meio a essa tarefa, temos oportunidade de discutir como os novos temas da agenda internacional incidem nessa questão. A análise da bacia do rio Danúbio, como estudo de caso, comprova que as águas transfronteiriças superficiais podem deteriorar as relações entre países e que circunstâncias geográficas e políticas são cruciais na definição dos interesses dos Estados e, conseqüentemente, na qualidade do desfecho da questão. / In the last decades we have seen the environmental issues being transformed into one of the main challenges for humanity. Their transnational dimension is reached when natural limits do not coincide with political ones, enhancing, therefore, the complexity of the problem. Consequently, topics such as sustainability and environmental security start to acquire an outstanding position in the international agenda, which demands new interpretations of the classic concept of sovereignty. The concern related to superficial transboundary waters - waters that flow on international river basins - represents a materialization of the challenges mentioned above, mainly because these sources correspond to the greatest share of superficial fresh water and are submitted to severe threats. Among them we can mention: the excessive consumption of limited water supplies, which has been provoking a lack of water crisis; in addition to it there are the inherent antagonisms related to the necessity of sharing these sources, which motivates the competition between distinct national interests. On account of these interests, worries and questions appear referring to the capability the water has to generate or instigate international tensions. Taking as a starting point the intrinsic relationship between territory and politics, this dissertation identifies the variables linked to the conflictive/cooperative potential of the superficial transboundary waters. Whilst pursuing this task, we have the opportunity to discuss the way the new topics of the international agenda approach this matter. The analysis of the Danube river basin, as a case study, proves that superficial transboundary waters can spoil the relationships between countries and that geographic and political circumstances are crucial for the definition of the countries interests and, consequently, for the quality of the outcome of this matter.

Acompanhamos, nas últimas décadas, a temática ambiental se transformar em um dos principais desafios para a humanidade. Sua dimensão transnacional, alcançada quando os limites naturais não coincidem com os limites políticos, potencializa a complexidade da problemática. Em conseqüência, temas como sustentabilidade e segurança ambiental passam a ocupar posições de destaque na agenda internacional, fato que demanda novas interpretações da concepção clássica de soberania. A questão das águas transfronteiriças superficiais - águas que escoam sobre bacias hidrográficas internacionais - representa uma materialização dos desafios mencionados acima, sobretudo porque esses recursos correspondem a maior parcela da água doce superficial e estão sujeitos a severas ameaças. Entre elas: o consumo excessivo de estoques hídricos limitados, que vem provocando uma crise de escassez; além dos antagonismos inerentes à necessidade de compartilhamento desses recursos, que motivam concorrências entre distintos interesses nacionais. Em função disso, surgem preocupações e questionamentos referentes à capacidade de a água gerar, ou acirrar, tensões internacionais. Partindo das intrínsecas relações entre território e política, essa dissertação identifica as variáveis ligadas ao potencial conflitivo/cooperativo das águas transfronteiriças superficiais. Em meio a essa tarefa, temos oportunidade de discutir como os novos temas da agenda internacional incidem nessa questão. A análise da bacia do rio Danúbio, como estudo de caso, comprova que as águas transfronteiriças superficiais podem deteriorar as relações entre países e que circunstâncias geográficas e políticas são cruciais na definição dos interesses dos Estados e, conseqüentemente, na qualidade do desfecho da questão. / In the last decades we have seen the environmental issues being transformed into one of the main challenges for humanity. Their transnational dimension is reached when natural limits do not coincide with political ones, enhancing, therefore, the complexity of the problem. Consequently, topics such as sustainability and environmental security start to acquire an outstanding position in the international agenda, which demands new interpretations of the classic concept of sovereignty. The concern related to superficial transboundary waters - waters that flow on international river basins - represents a materialization of the challenges mentioned above, mainly because these sources correspond to the greatest share of superficial fresh water and are submitted to severe threats. Among them we can mention: the excessive consumption of limited water supplies, which has been provoking a lack of water crisis; in addition to it there are the inherent antagonisms related to the necessity of sharing these sources, which motivates the competition between distinct national interests. On account of these interests, worries and questions appear referring to the capability the water has to generate or instigate international tensions. Taking as a starting point the intrinsic relationship between territory and politics, this dissertation identifies the variables linked to the conflictive/cooperative potential of the superficial transboundary waters. Whilst pursuing this task, we have the opportunity to discuss the way the new topics of the international agenda approach this matter. The analysis of the Danube river basin, as a case study, proves that superficial transboundary waters can spoil the relationships between countries and that geographic and political circumstances are crucial for the definition of the countries interests and, consequently, for the quality of the outcome of this matter.

In the Twenty-first Century, sustainable water management is likely to be humanity's greatest challenge in a world of ever-increasing demand. Legal instruments both international and national regulate and provide a general framework for the use and management of international waters. Future basin management agreements can be informed by examining the degree of success, in terms of sustainability and equity, achieved by such agreements. That success can be influenced by the degree to which such agreements support the human right to water implicitly stated in international customary law, through a collaborative management approach. Since 1988, attempts by communities on the Pongolo floodplain to be involved in Pongolopoort Dam releases, have met with little success. Recently, the Department of Water Affairs and Forestry has begun to support those efforts, but the approach remains a sectoral one, and is primarily concerned with water issues. The South African National Water Act 36 of 1998 provides for environmental management and public participation, as well as providing explicitly for the rights of individual water users, but its implementation is hampered by an overwhelming emphasis on technical considerations and a lack of political will to embrace collaborative management systems. Little effort is expended on collaborative management methods, though the level of transparency in water management is improving, despite remaining highly centralised. The level and extent of incentives for local community participation is low, and systematic monitoring is in its early development. International river basin agreements generally take a top-down or state-driven approach, though there are some examples where local cross-border communities have participated successfully in the implementation of international agreements and management of transboundary basins. South Africa, Swaziland and M09ambique signed the Interim Incomaputo Agreement, which includes the Maputo basin, in August 2002. Once again, the approach to this agreement has been highly sectoral in that negotiations were handled entirely by water officials in the relevant countries. A lack of transparency has prevailed in the negotiation stages, though through the basin studies, which will inform implementation plans, the level of participation should improve. There is overwhelming consensus that integrated management is the key to sustainable international river basin management. Formal and systematic methods for inter-departmental communication, both nationally and internationally are currently not being implemented, which has significant negative impacts on integrated management. Research in this area represents an opportunity to explore collaborative management of an international river basin in an area that is, as yet, unstressed in terms of population and water supply. / Thesis (M.Env.Dev.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2002.

Esta investigação analisa as principais repercussões territoriais das políticas públicas elaboradas com o propósito de combater as desigualdades regionais no Estado do Rio Grande do Sul nas últimas décadas. A tese aqui defendida é a de que essas políticas, no seu conjunto, apresentam repercussões territoriais que são construídas nas relações do Estado com os demais atores responsáveis pela dinâmica territorial. Foram pesquisados, no território gaúcho, os efeitos de cinco políticas elaboradas com o propósito de reduzir as desigualdades regionais, em diferentes escalas. Na escala nacional, foi estudada a Política Nacional de Desenvolvimento Regional (PNDR). Na escala estadual, foram avaliadas as políticas elaboradas para o desenvolvimento da Metade Sul, a Política de Desenvolvimento Regional de 1998, o Grupo de Trabalho para o Desenvolvimento das Regiões Menos Desenvolvidas de 2001 e os resultados do Estudo de Desenvolvimento Regional e Logística do Rio Grande do Sul, concluído em 2006. Na investigação, foram avaliados os pressupostos da formulação de cada uma das políticas, identificados os atores que as protagonizaram e analisada a distribuição territorial dos valores investidos para, com isso, identificar possíveis repercussões. A pesquisa sustenta que a reversão de uma situação de subdesenvolvimento de algumas regiões passa por uma postura propositiva do Estado, que deve elaborar políticas adequadas para as escalas que não são privilegiadas pelo capital e focadas nas potencialidades de cada região. Defende que o êxito dessas políticas está diretamente associado à construção de um projeto regional duradouro, que deve orientar ações, em diferentes escalas, sintonizadas com os problemas existentes nas diferentes regiões. Conclui, a partir das políticas analisadas, que podem ser identificados no território vestígios, marcas e repercussões dessas políticas. Entretanto, o maior resultado dessas políticas está no processo, ou seja, é o conjunto das iniciativas, protagonizadas pelo Estado e desenvolvidas com a participação dos atores regionais, que mantém ativa a preocupação com a questão regional e, com isso, proporciona maiores oportunidades para as regiões menos desenvolvidas. / This research analyzes the major territorial impact of public policies devised for fighting regional disparities in Rio Grande do Sul State in recent decades. The thesis here defended is that these policies as a whole have significant territorial repercussions built on the relationships among the State and other actors responsible for territorial dynamics. The effects of five policies devised for reducing regional inequalities at different levels were researched in the State territory. At a national level, the National Policy for Regional Development was studied. At a state level, the policies designed to develop the southern half of the State, the 1998 Regional Development Policy, the 2001 Working Group for the Development of Less Developed Regions, and the results of the Study of Regional Development and Logistics of Rio Grande do Sul State, completed in 2006, were evaluated. In this study, in order to identify possible repercussions, the assumptions in the formulation of each policy were evaluated, the stakeholders that developed them were identified and the geographical distribution of the amounts invested was analyzed. This research affirms that the reversion of the underdeveloped status of some regions has to undergo a proactive attitude on the part of the State, that has to elaborate appropriate policies focused on the potential of each region for the scales that are not privileged by capital. It defends that the success of these policies is directly associated with the construction of a sustainable regional project that should guide actions at different scales, aligned with the problems in the different regions. Based on the policies analyzed, this study comes to the conclusion that it is possible to identify traces, marks and effects of such policies in the territory. However, the major result of these policies is in the process, ie, the group of initiatives, proposed by the State and developed with the participation of regional stakeholders, which keeps alive the concern with regional issues and, therefore, provides greater opportunities for less developed regions.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-06-17T19:33:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2014-11-06. Added 1 bitstream(s) on 2015-06-18T12:47:43Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000830740.pdf: 3751528 bytes, checksum: 94f5482735e6984d93f2d83e892a99da (MD5) / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) / Esta tese se pauta na premissa de maior universalismo na inserção brasileira no regime internacional na Nova República e sustenta que no período de 1995 a 2010 a política internacional brasileira, embora mantendo seu objetivo de desenvolvimento e crescimento do país, mudou sua forma de inserção da autonomia pela integração (mandatos do presidente Fernando Henrique Cardoso), para a postura da autonomia pela diversificação (mandatos do presidente Luís Inácio Lula da Silva), o que reconfigurou a forma política externa de inserção internacional tanto em relação com demais blocos econômicos, países e instituições multilaterais de comércio, como na própria estrutura interna produtiva, com vistas nas importações e exportações dos entes federados, bem como o desenvolvimento do país / This thesis starts from the premiss a greater universalism of the Brazilian participation in the international regime in the Nova República and maintains that from 1995 to 2010 the Brazilian international politics, while maintaining its goal of development and growth of the country, changed his manner of engaging the autonomy the integration (terms of President Fernando Henrique Cardoso), to the position of autonomy through diversification (terms of President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva), which reconfigured the foreign form of international insertion both in relation to other economic blocs, countries and institutions multilateral trade, as in the very productive internal structure in order in imports and exports of federal entities, and the development of the country

Cette thèse de géographie politique a pour objectif d’analyser les processus de négociation entrepris par des Indiens, les Guarani pour se forger une place dans un État moderne, le Brésil. Cette place, comprise à la fois comme espace de vie et comme espace d’engagement politique, implique nécessairement la reconnaissance de leurs territoires traditionnels, le respect de leurs cultures et leur participation effective à l’élaboration de modernités plurielles, au cœur d’une modernité brésilienne en transformation. Aujourd’hui majoritairement confinés sur des espaces insuffisants et dans des situations économiques précaires, les Guarani tentent de reconstruire une autonomie culturelle viable, conforme à leurs idéaux culturels et territoriaux. La construction de cette autonomie passe par une meilleure maîtrise des échanges avec la société brésilienne et par une meilleure formulation de leurs choix de vie. De fait, ces choix sont aujourd’hui de mieux en mieux revendiqués et défendus dans tous les organes et à toutes les échelles de l’État, grâce à la création d’organisations politiques adaptées à sa structuration verticale. En interrogeant le processus de création de la nouvelle organisation politique des Indiens guarani du littoral de Santa Catarina au Brésil, deux processus sont plus particulièrement questionnés : d’une part les effets de la création de ces nouvelles organisations, tant sur les formes d’organisation traditionnelle que sur la modification des rôles des liders ; d’autre part les capacités de cette organisation à redessiner les échelles de l’action politique des organes indigénistes de l’État. L’analyse de ces mécanismes s’appuie sur une période de sept années d’observation aux côtés des communautés guarani du littoral et sur un panel d’entretien réalisé essentiellement avec des liders guarani. Les va-et-vient entre différentes échelles d’observation constituent en particulier une des clés de lecture de ces phénomènes, en recompositions scalaires permanentes. Qu’il s’agisse de développement économique, de santé ou d’éducation, la manière originale de s’impliquer dans la formulation des politiques publiques destinées aux Indiens change les paramètres du contrôle social et de la participation effective de ces derniers dans les choix qui les concernent directement. Aujourd’hui confrontés à un contexte politique de plus en plus hostile aux Indiens, ceux-ci doivent faire preuve de toujours plus de force de mobilisation afin d’exiger le respect de leurs droits inscrits dans la constitution brésilienne, et surtout leurs terres, dont les ressources sont extrêmement convoitées. / The purpose of this political geography thesis is to analyse the negotiations processes undertaken by some Indians, the Guarani to make space for themselves in a modern State, Brazil. This space, considered as a place for living as well as political commitment, implies of course the recognition of their traditional territories, the respect of their cultures and their real participation to the elaboration of plural modernities, inside a changing Brazilian modernity. Today, most of them enclosed in insufficient spaces and in precarious economical situations, the Guarani try to reconstruct a viable cultural autonomy according to their cultural and territorial ideals. The construction of their autonomy is obtained by a better control of the exchanges with the Brazilian society and by a better formulation of kind of life they wish. In fact, these choices are nowadays much better claimed in all State organisations and scales thanks to the creation of political organizations suited for Its vertical structure. By questioning the creative process of the new political organization of the Guarani Indians from the Santa Catarina coast in Brazil, two processes are particularly questioned : on one hand, the creation effects of these new organizations on traditional organization as well as on the modification of the leaders’ role ; on the other hand, this organizations’ capacities of redesigning the scales of the political action of the State’s indigenist organizations. The analysis of these mechanisms rests on a seven years period of observation with the Guarani communities of the coast and on a panel of interviews essentially carried out with Guarani leaders. The comings and goings between the different scales of observation are one of the keys to understand these phenomena, in its permanent scale recompositions. Considering the economical development, health or education, the different way to get involved in the formulation of the public politics concerning Indians, modifies the parameters of the social control and the real participation of the latter in choices that directly concern them. Nowadays, being confronted to a political context more and more hostile to Indians, these must show even stronger mobilizations in order to obtain the respect of their rights registered in the Brazilian Constitution and most of all, their land, the resources of which are extremely coveted.

Esta investigação analisa as principais repercussões territoriais das políticas públicas elaboradas com o propósito de combater as desigualdades regionais no Estado do Rio Grande do Sul nas últimas décadas. A tese aqui defendida é a de que essas políticas, no seu conjunto, apresentam repercussões territoriais que são construídas nas relações do Estado com os demais atores responsáveis pela dinâmica territorial. Foram pesquisados, no território gaúcho, os efeitos de cinco políticas elaboradas com o propósito de reduzir as desigualdades regionais, em diferentes escalas. Na escala nacional, foi estudada a Política Nacional de Desenvolvimento Regional (PNDR). Na escala estadual, foram avaliadas as políticas elaboradas para o desenvolvimento da Metade Sul, a Política de Desenvolvimento Regional de 1998, o Grupo de Trabalho para o Desenvolvimento das Regiões Menos Desenvolvidas de 2001 e os resultados do Estudo de Desenvolvimento Regional e Logística do Rio Grande do Sul, concluído em 2006. Na investigação, foram avaliados os pressupostos da formulação de cada uma das políticas, identificados os atores que as protagonizaram e analisada a distribuição territorial dos valores investidos para, com isso, identificar possíveis repercussões. A pesquisa sustenta que a reversão de uma situação de subdesenvolvimento de algumas regiões passa por uma postura propositiva do Estado, que deve elaborar políticas adequadas para as escalas que não são privilegiadas pelo capital e focadas nas potencialidades de cada região. Defende que o êxito dessas políticas está diretamente associado à construção de um projeto regional duradouro, que deve orientar ações, em diferentes escalas, sintonizadas com os problemas existentes nas diferentes regiões. Conclui, a partir das políticas analisadas, que podem ser identificados no território vestígios, marcas e repercussões dessas políticas. Entretanto, o maior resultado dessas políticas está no processo, ou seja, é o conjunto das iniciativas, protagonizadas pelo Estado e desenvolvidas com a participação dos atores regionais, que mantém ativa a preocupação com a questão regional e, com isso, proporciona maiores oportunidades para as regiões menos desenvolvidas. / This research analyzes the major territorial impact of public policies devised for fighting regional disparities in Rio Grande do Sul State in recent decades. The thesis here defended is that these policies as a whole have significant territorial repercussions built on the relationships among the State and other actors responsible for territorial dynamics. The effects of five policies devised for reducing regional inequalities at different levels were researched in the State territory. At a national level, the National Policy for Regional Development was studied. At a state level, the policies designed to develop the southern half of the State, the 1998 Regional Development Policy, the 2001 Working Group for the Development of Less Developed Regions, and the results of the Study of Regional Development and Logistics of Rio Grande do Sul State, completed in 2006, were evaluated. In this study, in order to identify possible repercussions, the assumptions in the formulation of each policy were evaluated, the stakeholders that developed them were identified and the geographical distribution of the amounts invested was analyzed. This research affirms that the reversion of the underdeveloped status of some regions has to undergo a proactive attitude on the part of the State, that has to elaborate appropriate policies focused on the potential of each region for the scales that are not privileged by capital. It defends that the success of these policies is directly associated with the construction of a sustainable regional project that should guide actions at different scales, aligned with the problems in the different regions. Based on the policies analyzed, this study comes to the conclusion that it is possible to identify traces, marks and effects of such policies in the territory. However, the major result of these policies is in the process, ie, the group of initiatives, proposed by the State and developed with the participation of regional stakeholders, which keeps alive the concern with regional issues and, therefore, provides greater opportunities for less developed regions.

Esta investigação analisa as principais repercussões territoriais das políticas públicas elaboradas com o propósito de combater as desigualdades regionais no Estado do Rio Grande do Sul nas últimas décadas. A tese aqui defendida é a de que essas políticas, no seu conjunto, apresentam repercussões territoriais que são construídas nas relações do Estado com os demais atores responsáveis pela dinâmica territorial. Foram pesquisados, no território gaúcho, os efeitos de cinco políticas elaboradas com o propósito de reduzir as desigualdades regionais, em diferentes escalas. Na escala nacional, foi estudada a Política Nacional de Desenvolvimento Regional (PNDR). Na escala estadual, foram avaliadas as políticas elaboradas para o desenvolvimento da Metade Sul, a Política de Desenvolvimento Regional de 1998, o Grupo de Trabalho para o Desenvolvimento das Regiões Menos Desenvolvidas de 2001 e os resultados do Estudo de Desenvolvimento Regional e Logística do Rio Grande do Sul, concluído em 2006. Na investigação, foram avaliados os pressupostos da formulação de cada uma das políticas, identificados os atores que as protagonizaram e analisada a distribuição territorial dos valores investidos para, com isso, identificar possíveis repercussões. A pesquisa sustenta que a reversão de uma situação de subdesenvolvimento de algumas regiões passa por uma postura propositiva do Estado, que deve elaborar políticas adequadas para as escalas que não são privilegiadas pelo capital e focadas nas potencialidades de cada região. Defende que o êxito dessas políticas está diretamente associado à construção de um projeto regional duradouro, que deve orientar ações, em diferentes escalas, sintonizadas com os problemas existentes nas diferentes regiões. Conclui, a partir das políticas analisadas, que podem ser identificados no território vestígios, marcas e repercussões dessas políticas. Entretanto, o maior resultado dessas políticas está no processo, ou seja, é o conjunto das iniciativas, protagonizadas pelo Estado e desenvolvidas com a participação dos atores regionais, que mantém ativa a preocupação com a questão regional e, com isso, proporciona maiores oportunidades para as regiões menos desenvolvidas. / This research analyzes the major territorial impact of public policies devised for fighting regional disparities in Rio Grande do Sul State in recent decades. The thesis here defended is that these policies as a whole have significant territorial repercussions built on the relationships among the State and other actors responsible for territorial dynamics. The effects of five policies devised for reducing regional inequalities at different levels were researched in the State territory. At a national level, the National Policy for Regional Development was studied. At a state level, the policies designed to develop the southern half of the State, the 1998 Regional Development Policy, the 2001 Working Group for the Development of Less Developed Regions, and the results of the Study of Regional Development and Logistics of Rio Grande do Sul State, completed in 2006, were evaluated. In this study, in order to identify possible repercussions, the assumptions in the formulation of each policy were evaluated, the stakeholders that developed them were identified and the geographical distribution of the amounts invested was analyzed. This research affirms that the reversion of the underdeveloped status of some regions has to undergo a proactive attitude on the part of the State, that has to elaborate appropriate policies focused on the potential of each region for the scales that are not privileged by capital. It defends that the success of these policies is directly associated with the construction of a sustainable regional project that should guide actions at different scales, aligned with the problems in the different regions. Based on the policies analyzed, this study comes to the conclusion that it is possible to identify traces, marks and effects of such policies in the territory. However, the major result of these policies is in the process, ie, the group of initiatives, proposed by the State and developed with the participation of regional stakeholders, which keeps alive the concern with regional issues and, therefore, provides greater opportunities for less developed regions.