"This paper analyzes the decision making processes in the federal system through a case study, that of the Dallas-Fort Worth Regional Airport controversy, and reveals the role of the many governments and interest groups involved. ...In this study the background of conflict is reviewed, after which the CAB [Civil Aeronautics Board] decision, accomplishments and problems are discussed. The presentation will reflect the cooperative role of all governments in the federal system, plus pressure groups that contribute to decision-making in the federal system."-- leaves 2,13.

2010年12月25日在臺灣的地方自治史上產生了前所未有的重大變革，也就是五大直轄市的形成，同時也使馬英九總統在2008年總統大選期間，所提出的「三都十五縣」的政見破局。但這樣的結果，對改制前的臺北縣而言，可說是完成追逐了30年，但卻仍遙不可及的夢想，也結束了長期淪為次等公民的不平等待遇。 升格後的新北市與臺北市在地方自治的體制上雖可說已是並駕齊驅，但是就兩者的發展歷史而言，新北市目前仍處於初始的立基階段，尤其是新北市的29個行政區，起源於改制前臺北縣29個鄉鎮市的自治體。在改制之初29個行政區，除了在人口密度、土地面積上有相當大的差異之外，最主要的是地理環境的先天條件，使得29個行政區呈現不同的城鄉風貌。 新北市首要面臨的課題，就是進行29個行政區的重整工作，在過去臺北縣發展一鄉一特色的基礎上，各行政區原具有社區產業的發展條件，但在過去鄉鎮市自治時期，難免因為各自政治立場的不同而分立，形成政治地理，以致造成政府當局資源整合不易。再者，原有的行政區疆界雖因為都市開發，產生地域疆界不明的現況，但在過去鄉鎮市自治時代，行政區域調整容易引發藩籬割據的疑慮，所以新北市行政區歷經了40年未曾調整。 升格後的新北市在五都之中，是人口最多的直轄市，在區域經濟崛起及國際城市競爭的氛圍中，各直轄市無不致力發展各自潛能，期以提升國際能見度。然而城市發展首重基礎的建設，行政區劃是新北市行政資源分配的基礎，各行政區發展皆屬新北市政府全權統籌規劃，如何以最適的行政區劃調整藍圖，勾勒未來新北市發展的願景與區域發展特色，是市政府重要的課題。行政區劃調整工作需有妥善完整的規劃與配套，應考量民意的趨勢，要有一次劃定，革除行政區界劃定不明的決心。 本研究指出根據公共選擇理論，以及區域治理、公共服務及廣域行政的概念，新北市應以現有公務機關服務轄區分布現況、市議員及立委選舉區劃分、生活圈、歷史、地理環境等現況來研擬未來新北市行政區藍圖，並探索最適的行政區劃藍圖，供市政府做為行政區劃時的參考，更有助於新北市行政區劃調整共識的形成。 / A revolutionary change of local self-governance in Taiwan history has occurred since December 25, 2010; that is the formation of five municipalities. This formation broke President Ma Ying-Jeou’s policy of “three cities fifteen counties” raised in Presidential Election of 2008. However, to pre-reformed Taipei County, the formation made its reachless dream which had been pursued for thirty years realized. The formation also ended the long-term unfair treatment of being the second-grade citizens. Upgraded New Taipei City is running neck to neck with Taipei City in terms of local self-governance. Regarding the histories of the two, however, the former is still under the fundamental stage, especially the 29 administrative areas of New Taipei City, which used to be 29 regional municipalities of the townships of pre-reformed Taipei County. In the beginning of the reformation for the 29 administrative areas, it was the precondition of geography that made them have different countryside landscapes in addition to a big difference of population density and land area. The first lesson New Taipei City will undergo is the work of administrative area adjustment for the 29 administrative areas. Upon “one township one feature” policy on which pre-formed Taipei County had made an effort, each administrative area had its own strength of developing community industry. During the past self-governance period of the townships, nonetheless, it was inevitable to see the area separation due to political diversity. Political geography had thus occurred and made it more difficult for the government to make resource integration. Furthermore, although there was boundary ambiguity in the original boundaries of the administrative areas on account of urban development, to avoid the problem of opposition to the splittism against administrative area adjustment, the administrative areas of New Taipei City had not been adjusted for forty years during the past self-governance period of the townships. Upgraded New Taipei City is the one with the highest population among the five municipalities. Affected by the rise of regional economic and international urban competition, none of the municipalities slacks on developing its potential in an attempt to enhance its international visibility. With respect to urban development, infrastructure is firstly emphasized and administrative division is considered to be the fundamental work to New Taipei City when administrative resource allocation is being made. It is New Taipei City government that has full authority to make an overall plan of the development of each administrative area. Therefore, the question “how to sketch the forthcoming version of the development of New Taipei City and the features of regional development on the most appropriate blueprint of administrative division?” becomes an important issue to the city government. The work of administrative division adjustment needs to be well planned and go with corresponding measures. Public opinion should be taken into account and the determination of “once only” and eliminating boundary ambiguity is also required. This study points out that, based on public choice theory and the concepts of regional governance, public service and cooperative administration, New Taipei City should make a blueprint of forthcoming administrative areas according to the present distribution of the service districts under jurisdiction of official departments, the division of the constituencies of city councilors and legislative committees, living domains, histories, and geographical surroundings. Meanwhile, to provide as references for the city government to make administrative division, the most appropriate blueprint of administrative division needs to be sought. It also helps on coming to a mutual understanding of the administrative division adjustment for New Taipei City.

Le présent mémoire se penche sur la diminution des espaces ouverts en Israël, un problème environnemental considéré comme l’un des plus importants par les organisations environnementales de ce pays. La situation est particulièrement préoccupante depuis le début des années 1990 alors que la superficie occupée par ces espaces s’est réduite significativement. Les craintes liées à cette évolution se sont traduites par l’implantation de plans nationaux d’aménagement visant expressément à concentrer le développement futur du pays au sein des quatre principales régions métropolitaines (Tel-Aviv, Jérusalem, Haïfa, Beer-Sheva) de manière à préserver de façon optimale les espaces ouverts restants. Plusieurs facteurs sont responsables de cette perte d’espaces ouverts. Ainsi, l’un des objectifs cet ouvrage consiste à identifier ces facteurs de même qu’à analyser dans quelle mesure ils ont influé. Par ailleurs, ce mémoire fait le point sur l’évolution de la superficie des espaces ouverts au fil des années. Finalement, le dernier chapitre aborde les enjeux actuels quant à la conservation des espaces ouverts israéliens et souligne quelques solutions proposées afin d’accroître leur protection pour le futur. Afin de dresser un portrait complet de la situation, la période étudiée s’étend de 1948, année de fondation de l’État d’Israël, à 2010. / This research examines the loss of open space in Israel, one of the most acute environmental problems facing this country, according to several Israeli environmental organizations. This situation is peculiarly ominous since the beginning of the 1990s while the area occupied by open space has decreased significantly. Fears linked to the proliferation of built area have led to the implementation of national outline plans (NOP 31, NOP 35) which aim specifically to concentrate future development into the main metropolitan regions (Tel Aviv, Jerusalem, Haifa, Beersheba) to ensure that the remaining open spaces will be protected optimally. Several factors are responsible for the loss of open space in Israel. Thus, one of the research objectives is to identify and analyze how these factors have influenced the extent of open spaces. Furthermore, this research provides an update of the open spaces’ evolution over the years. Finally, the last chapter discusses the current issues regarding open space as well as some solutions to enhance its protection. In order to obtain a thorough picture of the situation, the temporal field of this study spans from 1948, founding year of the State of Israel, to 2010.

Our challenge was to consider the extent to which the environmental issue as a current problem involves the relationship between society and nature, because this relationship appears in the geographical analysis of their inseparability. From this context, we builded the theory that the relationship between society and nature in geography presents itself as the key to understanding environmental policy in the state of Sergipe, while understanding the contradictory relations engendered in the capitalist economy. Therefore, we present the core objective, a critical analysis of the process of formation and implementation of environmental policies in Brazil, as well as the government in Sergipe establishing its environmental policy from the standards set by the Union. The research was guided by the geographical knowledge in relation to the normative positions of the dialectical method adopting a course of theoretical abstraction, which equips the way they treat the relationship between the abstract and the concrete, and operates the notion of spaciousness as not only actively produced, but also an active moment in the social process. In addition to the documentary analysis, empirical data collected in field visits were also used, which is the process of territorial actions directed or not, by the state instituted environmental policies. For this purpose a cutout of the space planning of public policies embodied in the territory of the Great Aracaju was made. In this dimension all objectives that led to this thesis were gestated from the hypothesis that environmental policies are territorial, ie they are state actions that promote the reorganization of the national space preparing it for new specializations. It was tried to contextualize the "environmental issue" in the context of the internationalization of the capital, focusing on the role of international organizations in the formulation of environmental policies and the development of public policies, analyzing the role of the state in implementing policies the directly affects the environmental issue that reflects the quality of life of the population as an explanatory pattern of the expansion of capital in different scales, local / national / global. It was noted the important role of science and technology in the appropriateness of the environment for economic growth ruled in the rational instrumental technique with dialogue between the organized population and the social organization for the dissemination of sustainable development. It was concluded that the environmental policy based on sustainable development has nature and community as factors of production subsumed to the capital, with hegemonic discourse and practices of domination, which they conducted in the rhetoric of public environmental policy discourses in everyday life partnerships (NGOs, Foundations, Institutes, etc..) in postures participatory local community, as well as the permeability for democratic relations. / Nosso desafio consistiu em pensar em que medida a questao ambiental como problematica atual contempla a relacao sociedade-natureza, ja que essa relacao aparece na analise geografica em sua indissociabilidade. A partir desse contexto, construimos a tese de que a relacao sociedade-natureza na geografia apresenta-se como chave do entendimento da politica ambiental no estado de Sergipe, enquanto compreensao das relacoes contraditorias engendradas na economia capitalista. Para tanto, apresentamos como objetivo central a analise critica do processo de formacao e implementacao das politicas ambientais no Brasil, bem como o poder publico em Sergipe estabelece sua politica ambiental a partir das normas estabelecidas pela Uniao. A pesquisa foi guiada pelo conhecimento geografico em relacao aos posicionamentos normativos do metodo dialetico adotando um percurso de abstracao teorico, que instrumentaliza a forma de tratar a relacao entre o abstrato e o concreto, e opera a nocao de espacialidade como sendo, nao so produzida ativamente, mas tambem, um momento ativo dentro do processo social. Alem da analise documental foram utilizados tambem dados empiricos coletados em visitas de campo, onde se da o processo de territorializacao das acoes direcionadas ou nao, pelas politicas ambientais estaduais instituidas. Para esse proposito foi feito um recorte espacial do planejamento das politicas publicas, consubstanciado no Territorio da Grande Aracaju. Nesta dimensao todos objetivos que conduziram a tese foram gestados a partir da hipotese de que as politicas ambientais sao politicas territoriais, isto e, sao acoes estatais que promovem o reordenamento do espaco nacional preparando-o para novas espacializacoes. Procurou-se contextualizar a questao ambiental. no quadro da internacionalizacao do capital, focalizando o papel dos organismos internacionais na formulacao das politicas ambientais e na construcao das politicas publicas; analisar o papel do Estado na implementacao de politicas diretamente afetas a questao ambiental que reflete na qualidade de vida da populacao, como explicativas do padrao de expansao do capital nas diferentes escalas, local/nacional/global. Observou-se o papel importante da ciencia e da tecnologia para a adequacao do meio ambiente ao crescimento economico pautado na racionalidade tecnica instrumental com interlocucao entre a populacao organizada e a organizacao social para a difusao do desenvolvimento sustentavel. Concluiu-se que a politica ambiental estruturada no desenvolvimento sustentavel tem a natureza e a comunidade como fatores de producao subsumidos ao capital, com discurso e praticas hegemonicas de dominacao, que se efetivaram na retorica dos discursos das politicas publicas ambientais, no cotidiano, em parcerias (ONGs, Fundacoes, Institutos, etc.), em posturas participativas da comunidade local, bem como, na permeabilidade para relacoes democraticas.

La compilation des Navigationi et viaggi, publiée à Venise en trois volumes entre 1550 et 1559, est le point d'aboutissement d'un travail de collecte et d'édition de textes géographiques effectué par le géographe humaniste Giovanni Battista Ramusio (1485-1557) au cours de la première moitié du XVIe siècle. Le compilateur entend mettre à jour la description du monde tout en proposant un nouveau modèle de constitution du savoir, dont le point de départ est l'expérience de ceux qui ont pris part aux voyages exploratoires passés et en cours. Ramusio, qui fit toute sa carrière comme secrétaire de chancellerie auprès de la République de Venise, prit appui sur un dense réseau de collaborateurs qui lui fournirent témoignages et récits de voyages. Ce travail de recherche offre pour la première fois une analyse conjointe de la figure de Ramusio comme géographe de cabinet et comme secrétaire de chancellerie, tout en inscrivant son activité dans le contexte de la Venise du début de l'âge moderne.La première partie de la thèse propose une reconstitution, fondée sur un travail d'archives, du laboratoire de Ramusio : les institutions de la République de Venise, le milieu savant italien et le monde de l'édition vénitien. Par l'étude de son statut et de sa démarche, l'interrelation entre ses intérêts propres et ses prérogatives professionnelles est mise en évidence. La deuxième partie porte sur la compilation, elle aborde à la fois les modèles suivis, les choix inédits de mise en forme et les processus de sélection des sources. Les intentions et le projet de Ramusio sont étudiés sur la base de ses propres écrits – les discorsi des Navigationi et viaggi – dans la troisième partie, où l'analyse porte sur la compilation comme ouvrage de géographie politique. / The three-volume compilation, Navigationi et viaggi, published in Venice from 1550 to 1559, is the work of the humanist geographer Giovanni Battista Ramusio (1485-1557), who collected and edited geographical texts throughout the first half of the 16th century. The compiler attempted to update the description of the known world by employing new modes of knowledge, primarily based on the experiences of those who had taken part in exploratory travels. Ramusio, who served the Republic of Venice as a secretary at the chancellery, benefited from a broad network of collaborators who provided him with testimonies and travel accounts. My research offers the first joint analysis of Ramusio, the armchair geographer and secretary, within the context of early-modern Venice.Based on archival research, the first part of this work offers a reconstruction of Ramusio’s laboratory as part of the institutions of the Republic of Venice, the scholarly environment of Italy, and the world of Venetian publishing. The interrelation between his own interests and his professional prerogatives is established through a study of his scholarly approach and official role. The second part of this study focuses on the compilation, taking into account Ramusio’s influences, as well as his original choices for the organisation and selection of knowledge and sources. The objectives of this work of political geography are examined in the third part through an analysis of Ramusio’s own writings, the Navigationi et viaggi’s discorsi.

Cette recherche de maîtrise s’intéresse au processus de périurbanisation à Yangon, métropole du Myanmar, dans un contexte de métropolisation et de libéralisation de la gestion des ressources foncières. Dans ce mémoire, je défends l’idée que la périurbanisation doit être considérée comme un processus de reconfiguration des espaces politiques et des dynamiques foncières marchandes alimentées par l’ensemble des acteurs des espaces périphériques de Yangon. Une approche de la périurbanisation par la géographie politique et une perspective relationnelle du concept de marchandisation permet de comprendre la complexité des relations de pouvoir et des dynamiques foncières marchandes qui contribuent à façonner les espaces périurbains de Yangon. Cette recherche s’appuie sur une étude des pratiques et stratégies foncières des acteurs locaux à Thanlyin, township périurbain de Yangon, dans un contexte de développement accéléré de son territoire. L’analyse produite dans cette recherche démontre que la périurbanisation est un processus complexe de territorialisation de la tension entre la formalité et l’informalité foncières, de formation d’agencements fonciers favorisant la marchandisation de la terre et de production de nouveaux espaces politiques multiscalaires. / This master’s research focuses on the process of peri-urbanization in Yangon, Myanmar’s metropolis, in a context of metropolization and liberalization of land resource management. In this thesis, I defend the idea that peri-urbanization must be considered as a process of reconfiguring political spaces and land commodification dynamics fueled by the actors of the peripheral areas of Yangon. An approach to peri-urbanization through political geography and a relational perspective of the concept of commodification allows us to understand the complexity of power relations and market land dynamics that help shape the peri-urban spaces of Yangon. This research is based on a study of land practices and strategies of local actors in Thanlyin, a peri-urban township of Yangon, in a context of accelerated development of its territory. The analysis produced in this research demonstrates that peri-urbanization is a complex process of territorialization of the tension between land formality and informality, of formation of land assemblage favoring land commodification and of new multi-scale political space production.

Knowledge of a country's national geopolitics is the key to understanding the state in all its political forms. Therefore, this thesis is devoted to the Ukrainian geopolitics of the 20th - 21st century. In it we described the main concepts and opinions of Ukrainian geopoliticians. Our goal was to learn more about the theoretical foundations of Ukrainian geopolitics as it was in the 20th century and to see its further development in the 21st century. We tried to describe as fully as possible the views of Ukrainian geopoliticians and note the peculiarities of their thinking. We also analysed possible factors influencing the geopolitical vision of Ukrainians in the 20th and 21st centuries. This thesis is divided into three major parts and conclusions. The first chapter presents the main geopolitical concepts that emerged in the first half of the 20th century and their classification. In the second chapter, we focused more on those concepts that concerned the Black Sea region. In the third chapter, we presented the main and interesting concepts of Ukrainian geopolitics of the 21st century. Conclusions are an important analytical element of our work

Marges en déclin sociodémographique dans la deuxième moitié du XXe siècle, les quartiers d’inner city sesituent aujourd’hui au coeur de la stratégie de développement de Londres. Ils constituent désormais un espacesoupape où se négocient les conséquences sociales et spatiales de la globalisation dans la capitale britannique.Le modèle politique et urbain de la régénération qui préside à ce changement se stabilise à la fin de ladécennie 1980 dans un consensus entrepreneurial, compétitif et partenarial. Cependant, sa territorialisation dans les anciens quartiers d’inner city est discrète et inachevée et fait place à de nombreux reliquats de l'intervention de la puissance publique, loin de l’image d’un retrait univoque de l’État. L'agenda néotravailliste des années 2000 modifie ce modèle en y introduisant des normes de durabilité, de reconnaissance des minorités et un impératif participatif. À Londres, cette évolution se traduit par la mise en place d’une politique territoriale spécifique, les zones d’opportunité, dont le but est initialement d’arrimer le développement des inner cities à celui des marchés immobiliers péricentraux. Nous montrons qu’en l’absence de mécanisme de redistribution suffisamment contraignant, cette politique a conduit dans les faits à une accélération de la privatisation du parc de logements publics et à une généralisation des formes de gentrification clé-en-main (new-built gentrification). La coalition conservateurs / libéraux-démocrates au pouvoir depuis 2010 a partiellement maintenu les dispositifs participatifs dans les programmes de régénération. Cependant, nous montrons comment le contexte d’austérité a conduit dans certains cas à une forme de privatisation du fonctionnement même de la démocratie urbaine locale. Le modèle de la régénération, ses impasses et ses injustices, est désormais contesté dans plusieurs sphères politiques, mais les protestations sont fragmentées et peinent à se généraliser en raison même de la géographie spécifique de la régénération, par projet. / The inner city was at the margin and in decline for most of the second half of the 20th century. Today it is an essential part in London's development strategy. It works as a relief valve for the social and spatial pressure induced by globalisation in the capital city of the United Kingdom. Regeneration policies are the political and spatial model driving this transformation. From the late 1980s the regeneration consensus revolved around three principles: it had to be funded by property-led entrepreneurial investments, distributed by competitions between territories and governed by public-private partnerships, thus realising the neoliberalisation of space.However, the delivery of regeneration projects in old inner city areas is discontinuous and incomplete. Itmakes space for numerous state interventions which show that we are far from a complete withdrawal of thestate. In the 2000s, New Labour policies append new norms to the regeneration model: the notions ofdurability, acknowledgement of minority rights, and the imperative to become more participative. In Londonthis has led to the creation of the "opportunity areas" policy, which has attempted to propel the development of the inner city by the boom of the property markets on the edge of the city centre. In the absence of stronger coercing distributive mechanisms, we show that this policy has in fact led to the faster privatisation of public housing and extended the range of "new-built gentrification". The Conservative – Liberal Democrat Coalition have dismantled many of the regeneration participative regimes. In some cases, austerity policies have triggered the privatisation of core functions in local urban democracy. This model, with its shortcomings and injustice, is criticized in the public sphere but protests remain fragmented and are struggling to become established, because of the very geography of project-based regeneration.

This thesis provides an ethnography and critical phenomenology of undocumentedness in the Swedish context. By attending to the forces and processes that circumscribe the life-worlds of undocumented persons, as well as the phenomenology and essential experiences of their condition, a complex and multi-layered illustration of what undocumentedness is and means is successively presented. Employing a dual conceptualization of the state, as a juridico-political construct as well as a practiced and embodied set of institutions, the undocumented position emerges as a legal category defined only through omission, produced and reproduced through administrative routine and practice. The health care sector provides empirical examples of state-undocumented interaction where the physical and corporeal presence of the officially absent becomes irrefutable. This research suggests that the Swedish welfare state – universalistic, comprehensive and with digitized administrative routines – becomes a particularly austere environment in which to be undocumented. Drawing on interviews with regional and local health care administrators, NGO-clinics’ representatives and health professionals, as well as extensive participatory observation and interviews with undocumented persons, I argue that the undocumented condition is characterized by simultaneous absence and presence, and a correspondingly paradoxical spatiality. I suggest that the official absence and deportability of undocumented persons deprives them of the capacity to define space and, in an Arendtian sense, appear as themselves to others. There are, however, some opportunities for embodied political protest and dissensus. The paradoxical qualities of the absent-present condition manipulate the undocumented mode of being-in-the-world and I argue that alienation and disorientation are essential experiences of the undocumented situation.

This thesis provides an ethnography and critical phenomenology of undocumentedness in the Swedish context. By attending to the forces and processes that circumscribe the life-worlds of undocumented persons, as well as the phenomenology and essential experiences of their condition, a complex and multi-layered illustration of what undocumentedness is and means is successively presented. Employing a dual conceptualization of the state, as a juridico-political construct as well as a practiced and embodied set of institutions, the undocumented position emerges as a legal category defined only through omission, produced and reproduced through administrative routine and practice. The health care sector provides empirical examples of state-undocumented interaction where the physical and corporeal presence of the officially absent becomes irrefutable. This research suggests that the Swedish welfare state – universalistic, comprehensive and with digitized administrative routines – becomes a particularly austere environment in which to be undocumented. Drawing on interviews with regional and local health care administrators, NGO-clinics’ representatives and health professionals, as well as extensive participatory observation and interviews with undocumented persons, I argue that the undocumented condition is characterized by simultaneous absence and presence, and a correspondingly paradoxical spatiality. I suggest that the official absence and deportability of undocumented persons deprives them of the capacity to define space and, in an Arendtian sense, appear as themselves to others. There are, however, some opportunities for embodied political protest and dissensus. The paradoxical qualities of the absent-present condition manipulate the undocumented mode of being-in-the-world and I argue that alienation and disorientation are essential experiences of the undocumented situation.