The formation of the Liberal Party of Australia in the mid-1940s heralded a new effort to stem the tide of government regulation that had grown with Labor Party rule in the latter years of World War II and immediately after. It was not until 1949 that the party gained office at Federal level, beginning what was to be a record unbroken term of 23 years, but its efforts faltered at State level in Victoria, where the party was divided, and in New South Wales, where Labor was seemingly entrenched. The fortunes were reversed with the rise to leadership of men who bore a different stamp to their predecessors, and were in many ways atypical Liberals: Henry Bolte in Victoria and Robin Askin in New South Wales. Bolte, a farmer, and Askin, a bank officer, had served as non-commissioned officers in World War II and rose to lead parties whose members who had served in the war were predominantly of the officer class. In each case, their man management skills put an end to division and destabilisation in their parties, and they went on to serve record terms as Liberal leaders in their respective States, Bolte 1955-72 and Askin 1965-75. Neither was ever challenged in their leadership and each chose the time and nature of his departure from politics, a rarity among Australian political leaders. Their careers are traced here in the context of the Liberal revival and the heightened expectations of the post-war years when the Liberal Party reached an ascendancy, governing for a brief time in 1969-70 in all Australian States as well as the Commonwealth. Their leadership is also examined in the broader context of leadership in the Liberal Party, and also in the ways in which the new party sought to engage with and appeal to a wider range of voters than had traditionally been attracted to the non-Labor parties.

In recent years, scholars have shown increasing interest in the concept of collective memory for structuring modern social understanding and political dialogue. However, surprisingly few studies have looked at the role that news media play the processes of collective political memory construction, reinterpretation, and change. This study contributes to the literature on collective memory construction, by helping clarify the means by which different news media serve as a site where collective memory is constructed, reinforced, and revised; and, 2) to identify which political actors and institutions act as sources to assert particular memory frames and what media subsidies they offer to influence the memory construction process. Specifically, the study undertook a two-stage longitudinal content analysis of news media to discern the ways former U.S. presidents (i.e., Truman, Johnson, Nixon, Reagan, and Ford) were memorialized in news media coverage at the time of their funerals, and then again in subsequent news media stories through 2012. The content analysis identified dominant news media frames and secondary attribute sub-frames as applied to former U.S. Presidents, and which news media sources and frame advocates are engaged in setting those frames. As a result, the study identified patterns of change and resilience in particular presidential memory frames as represented in news media, and found journalists—beyond other sources and frame advocates—play a significant role in both creating and revising those memories over time. A range of opportunities for further research are discussed. / text

Thesis (DTech. in Public Management)

Why is it that the international scientific consensus on climate change has not been followed by a proportionate policy response in Canada? Perhaps the relationships between the country’s science organizations and government agencies are not functioning properly. My research adopts an interdisciplinary approach (i.e. science studies and political science) to this issue, highlighting the relevant literature’s underlying consensus on co-production, a norm of deliberative two-way engagement between scientists and policy-makers. I hypothesize that relationships embodying elements of co-productive design (e.g. informal communication, appointed liaisons) are more likely to facilitate climate action. To test this, I examine three cases of climate science-policy partnership in Canada by interviewing participants from both sides. The partnership between the Pacific Climate Impacts Consortium and BC municipalities exhibits substantial influence on policy, tied to a considerable degree of co-productive design. The partnership between the Pacific Institute for Climate Solutions and the Climate Action Secretariat of the BC provincial government also displays notable design characteristics, but primarily facilitates side benefits and soft influences rather than concrete policy changes. The attempted partnership between the Canadian Foundation for Climate and Atmospheric Sciences and the federal government exhibits few elements of co-productive design and has been effectively terminated, demonstrating the prerequisite importance of political interest. The relevant literature is not sufficiently nuanced to fully predict or explain these situations, so I put forward a new theoretical model. My science-policy relationship hierarchy (SPRHi) suggests that each such case can be classified as incidental interaction, basic partnership, interactive dialogue, or true co-production. It specifies the conditions which must be met for any given relationship to improve, maximizing potential benefits and influences. Concrete policy changes seem to result only from true co-production, though, which generally requires exceptional external requirements and thus cannot be deliberately facilitated. As such, co-productive design ultimately does not offer a clear way to address Canada’s climate inaction. I suggest that further research be conducted on international coordination mechanisms, public attitudes, and (especially) political leadership. However, the soft influences of science-policy partnerships may affect these broader factors in unpredictable ways, so the importance of co-productive design should not be underestimated. / Graduate

The article tries to explain the performance of peruvian incumbent parties in the immediate electoral process after their term. To do this, the limitations of two possible explanations are explored: retrospective voting and party institutionalization. Against this, the article proposes that, to explain the peruvian government parties poor performance, it is necessary to stressed the importance of the party leader and the presidential candidate. These are key factors that can affect the electoral chances of the Peruvian ruling party in a high caudillism. / El presente artículo busca explicar el pobre desempeño de los partidos de gobiernos peruanos en los procesos electorales inmediatamente posteriores a su mandato. Para ello, se exploran las limitaciones de dos posibles explicaciones: el voto retrospectivo y la institucionalización partidaria. Frente a esto, el artículo propone que, para explicar los malos resultados obtenidos es preciso revisar el rol del líder partidario y la importancia del candidato presidencial. Ambos resultan factores fundamentales que pueden afectar las oportunidades electorales del partido de gobierno en un contexto de alto caudillismo como el peruano.

The aim of this paper is to study and outline the factors governing political leadership at the party leader level, and to conclude to what extent a party leader rules and to what extent the party leadership is contextually determined. The theories used are based on Elgie's interactionistic study of political leadership and Stewart's organisational model of leadership as well as political culture. Thus, the questions raised are if the leader leads or if the leader follows; if the leadership environment is formed by the leader or if it is, merely, implemented on the leader; and what a model of the political leadership consist of? To answer these questions a text analysis comparing Sahlin’s speeches to the party’s political programme is used as well as in-depth interviews with members of the Board of Party. The conclusion shows that the leadership is contextually framed, but the leader is free to implement his or her ambitions within that frame as long as it is coherent to the party line.

The main objective of this dissertation is studying the political conceptions and practices in the Pão de Açúcar city, which is located in the backcountry of Alagoas State, from 1952 to 2012, through the analysis on representations about political actions developed by Elísio Maia, character that act over 40 years in the locality and keeps very present in the population memory. In order to do this research I used the journal, magazines and oral testimony analysis produced by around fifty interviews with the neighborhood and politics from the city, I also focuses on the ethnographic research way the treatment given to the politic by the social actors starting from the practices and values conjunct lived in the routine relationship, once that the manner as the population experiment the politic goes together with the routine practices, in the lest publics relationship. / O objetivo basilar desta dissertação é estudar as concepções e práticas políticas no município de Pão de Açúcar, cidade localizada no Sertão do Estado de Alagoas, a partir de 1952 até 2012, através da análise das representações sobre as ações políticas desenvolvidas por Elísio Maia, figura atuante por mais de 40 anos na localidade e que continua muito presente na memória da população. Para tal estudo utilizei a análise de jornais, revistas e o depoimento oral produzido a partir de cerca de cinquenta entrevistas com moradores e políticos do município, e também focalizei ao longo da pesquisa etnográfica o tratamento dado a política pelos atores sociais, a partir do conjunto de práticas e valores vividos nas relações cotidianas, uma vez que a maneira como a população experimenta a política está em consonância com as praticas cotidianas, nas relações menos públicas.

This thesis is about the political implications of the constitutional recognition of the hereditary institution of traditional leadership in post-1994 South Africa for the democratization process in the rural areas of the former Bantustans. The thesis is organized around three related conceptual, historical and political questions. The conceptual question deals with the meaning of democracy in rural areas under the jurisdiction of traditional authorities. The historical question traces how the institution and traditional authorities have survived to the present post-colonial period. Lastly, this study investigates the political issue of why an ANC-led government came to recognize the institution. The focus of the thesis is the sphere of rural local government in the Xhalanga district, where these issues are best illustrated. The thesis argues that the institution of traditional leadership and its officials survived precisely because they were incorporated into the colonial and apartheid administrative structures in the project of indirect rule. Traditional authorities were central to the apartheid policy of retribalisation, which was essentially a form of control of Africans in the Bantustans. Rural residents engaged in fierce struggles against the imposition of rural local government structures such as the District Council and Tribal Authorities. In so far as traditional authorities were part of government structures, they could not avoid being targets in these struggles. In explaining the recognition of the institution of traditional leadership, the thesis focuses on the policies of the ANC, the majority party in the Government of National Unity, towards traditional authorities. Organisationally weak on the rural grounds, the ANC operated through what they considered to be “good/progressive/comrade chiefs”. The ANC had hoped that these traditional authorities would accept a non-political ceremonial role. However, traditional authorities have rejected this ceremonial role. Their refusal, coupled with the ANC’s ambivalence in resolving the tension imply, the study concludes, that the (political) citizenship rights of rural people are partial: they are neither citizens nor subjects.

Traditional leadership is a contested field in social and political environments. The new, democratic government has created an environment that accommodates the existence of traditional leadership by introducing policies that guide their functioning. The White Paper on Traditional Leadership of 2003 spells out the roles and responsibilities of traditional leaders. This document when used with the Municipal Structures Act 117 of 2003 may minimise the existing tensions between the traditional leaders and the democratically elected councillors. The White Paper on Traditional Leadership of 2003 has been designed accordingly with the Bill of Rights. Equality and prevention of unfair discrimination, has been entrenched in the Bill of Rights of the Republic of South Africa. Traditional leaders, therefore, do have a space in the governance of South Africa. They are expected to participate in development programmes and in promoting service delivery. This study used the method of a case study. It is a qualitative study. Questionnaires and interviews are tools used to collect data. Various observations and findings were made with proposed recommendations. Most important to note is that, the traditional leaders are aware of the White Paper on Traditional Leadership but do not know what to do about it. This reveals that there is a gap between practice and policy. is the recommendation of the study that, the officials from Local Government and Traditional Affairs and those from the municipalities workshop and mentor the traditional leaders as well as the democratically elected councillors. Such a practice could minimise if not eliminate the tensions that result in poor service delivery.

The study focused on the exploration of the implication of partnership between the government and civil society organizations in the implementation of the Zimbabwe National Orphan Care Policy (ZNOCP). The study was carried out in Masvingo District in Zimbabwe to explore on the feasibility of inter-organizational interaction in policy implementation and how it affects the service delivery system. The study incorporated government departments, civil society organizations and ward councillors who stood as the custodians of the people. The study was intended on unveiling the different contextual aspects that exist between government departments and civil-society organizations (CSOs) as individual and separate entities and how the compromising of their values would affect the partnership. Looking at the hierarchical and bureaucratic features of government institutions, the study also intended to understand how this could be concealed and compromised with CSOs‟ open agendas in public policy implementation to ensure effective service delivery to the people. The 5C protocol, critical variables in policy implementation which are policy content, context, capacity, commitment of those entrusted with the implementation process and also clients and coalitions were used as the yardsticks. These variables acted as a yardstick on which to analyze the partnership between the Zimbabwean government and the civil society in the implementation of the Z.N.O.C.P, their different attitudes, bureaucratic settings, organizational culture, values, norms, and how their readjustments or failure affect the service delivery system. It also became imperative to look at the government legislations that govern the CSO space of operation and financial aspects to understand the implications of partnership between government and civil society. An understanding of these aspects leads to an increased understanding of the feasibility of state-CSO partnerships and its implications on policy implementation.