The effort to balance coexisting (and often conflicting) institutional objectives is a recurring theme throughout the history of American higher education. Colleges and universities are spaces that provide academic (and co-curricular) experiences that can activate a political consciousness, but are also places that are vulnerable to outside influences (indicative of the broader political climate) which may compel the prescription of institutional goals that undermine or shift attention away from these nonmaterial aims. This project examines the functions of the university in American life and considers how institutional development impacts the political socialization of the student body. Previous scholarship on student politics has often focused on campus conditions during a specific time and location and therefore is not equipped to address how macro-level structural changes in the higher education system, the study of which would necessitate a longer temporal scope, may influence engagement. A longitudinal periodization analysis is employed to detect longer-term trends and discern critical junctures that can help explain variation in political involvement among college students of different historical time and to uncover the causal mechanisms that facilitate (or impede) political development on campus. By encountering distinct cultural expectations of higher education, we can assess how social values conveyed in particular missions may stimulate or inhibit student political engagement. The contemporary era is dominated by institutional functions and educational aims that have historically not been directed at political socialization and is populated by students who do not meet the "preconditions of recruitment" as expressed in earlier periods. The significance of formative experiences has been well documented; the lessons that are learned (or unlearned) during emerging adulthood will subsequently inform political behavior. This investigation of the relationship between student politics, national development, and the purposes of higher education in American life demonstrates that the institutional medium through which we socialize does a great deal to shape how we socialize. / 2019-08-11T00:00:00Z

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 1982. / Bibliography: leaves 891-1267. / by Donald George Morrison. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 1982.

by Wan Wai Kwan. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinesse University of Hong Kong, 1990. / Bibliography: leaves 192-196. / Acknowledgments / Chapter Chapter One --- Objective and Literature Review --- p.1 / Chapter Chapter Two --- Methodology and Hypotheses --- p.19 / Chapter A. --- Sampling --- p.19 / Chapter B. --- Hypotheses --- p.25 / Chapter C. --- Analysis --- p.30 / Tables for Chapter Two --- p.33 / Chapter Chapter Three --- A Profile of Two Generations --- p.34 / Chapter A. --- Political attitudes of the adolescents --- p.34 / Chapter B. --- Contrast between parents and adolescents --- p.40 / Chapter C. --- Sex difference and sex-lineage similarity --- p.53 / Tables for Chapter Three --- p.53 / Chapter Chapter Four --- Socialisation in the Family --- p.76 / Tables for Chapter Four --- p.95 / Chapter Chapter Five --- Socialisation in the School --- p.104 / Tables for Chapter Five --- p.120 / Chapter Chapter Six --- Interaction among Agents --- p.126 / Political Knowledge and Political Interest --- p.131 / Tables for Chapter Six --- p.132 / Chapter Chapter Seven --- Conclusion --- p.137 / Notes --- p.153 / Appendixes --- p.152 / Chapter A. --- Tables for demographic data --- p.162 / Chapter B. --- Tables for profile of two generations --- p.164 / Chapter C. --- Tables for socialisation agent - family --- p.166 / Chapter D. --- Tables for socialisation agent - school --- p.169 / Chapter E. --- Tables for conclusion --- p.171 / Chapter F. --- Abbreviation of attitude items --- p.173 / Chapter G. --- Frequency table for the overall sample --- p.174 / Bibliography --- p.192 / Chapter A. --- Books --- p.192 / Chapter B. --- Journals --- p.194 / Questionnaire

by Cheung Yuk-ching, Doreen. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1990. / Bibliography: leaves 179-188. / Chapter 7 --- Findings III: Hypotheses Testing --- p.99 / Mass Media / Family / School / Chapter 8 --- Findings IV: Relative Influence of Socializing Agents --- p.130 / Interaction among Agents / Relative Influence among Agents / Chapter 9 --- Discussion --- p.152 / Parental Influence / Problem of Perceived Parental Influence / Mass Media / School / Political Orientations / Shortcomings and Future Research Direction / Chapter Appendix 1 --- Fathers' birth place --- p.161 / Chapter Appendix 2 --- Mothers' birth place --- p.161 / Chapter Appendix 3 --- Item-by-item correlations among perceived paternal attitudes --- p.162 / Chapter Appendix 4 --- Item-by-item correlations among perceived maternal attitudes --- p.163 / Questionnaire --- p.164 / Bibliography --- p.179 / Reference --- p.183

Esta dissertação de mestrado apresenta um estudo comparativo de socialização política de jovens em escolas pública e privadas de Porto Alegre/RS. Utiliza-se o conceito de competência cívica, entendido como sistema complexo de desempenho psicossocial, com o objetivo de comparar o acúmulo de recursos políticos afetivos e cognitivos desenvolvidos nos dois modelos de escola, que podem ser mobilizados para o engajamento político. A hipótese central é, no processo de socialização política, dada a grande diferença de qualidade da educação, as escolas públicas e privadas reproduzem as desigualdades sociais e econômicas no âmbito da formação da competência cívica dos jovens, o que impacta na sua capacidade de participar politicamente. Para isso, utiliza-se dados de pesquisa survey realizada no âmbito do Núcleo de Pesquisa sobre América Latina da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul em 2015. O trabalho identifica que o sistema público de ensino básico não forma cidadãos capacitados para participar politicamente. Pelo contrário, a desigualdade de recurso entre os grupos é significativa em todas as dimensões avaliadas. Enquanto, os jovens de ensino privado se apresentam mais próximos de um ideal assertivo de cidadania, os jovens de ensino público reproduzem as características de uma cultura política híbrida, demonstrando mais apatia, ineficácia e descrença, e menos informação e habilidades cívicas. / This master’s level dissertation presents a comparative study of political socialization of youths in public and private schools of Porto Alegre/RS. Based on the concept of civic competence, understood as a complex system of psychosocial performance, the work aims to compare the reserves of affective and cognitive political resources developed in both types of school, which may be mobilized for political engagement. The hypothesis is that, in the process of political socialization, given the difference of quality of education, public schools propagates socioeconomic inequality in the ambit of the formation of civic competence in young people, which impacts in their capacity to participate politically. For this goal, survey data is employed, which was develop by the Research Center on Latin America (NUPESAL) of the University of Rio Grande do Sul in 2015. The work identifies that the public basic system of education does not form capable citizens to participate politically. On the contrary, resource inequality is significant in all evaluated dimensions. While students in private school are closer to an assertive ideal of citizenship, those in public schools reproduce the characteristics of a hybrid political culture, presenting more apathy, inefficacy and disbelief, and less civic information and abilities.

Esta pesquisa trata dos processos de formação e transmissão de valores, condutas e comportamentos relacionados ao mundo da política entre moradores do bairro Ferrazópolis, na cidade de São Bernardo do Campo (SP), bairro popular de tradição operária que tem passado por diversas alterações em sua configuração ao longo do tempo, parte delas em função das transformações ocorridas no mercado de trabalho da região do ABC Paulista. O objetivo central da pesquisa é, então, compreender os processos de socialização política, ou seja, processos de transmissão de valores, percepções, atitudes e comportamentos em relação à política entre duas gerações de moradores nesse bairro: a primeira geração, constituída por trabalhadores migrantes nascidos entre as décadas de 1940 e 1960; e a segunda, constituída por seus filhos, nascidos no ABC entre as décadas de 1970 e 1990. Para cumprir os objetivos da pesquisa, a metodologia mobilizada foi executada nas seguintes etapas: i) realização de observações no bairro; (ii) aplicação de questionário em uma amostra dos domicílios do bairro sobre a trajetória da família e de suas posições políticas; (iii) mapeamento e análise de tendências percebidas entre as famílias no que tange aos seus modos de se relacionar com a política, classificadas entre tendências de militância, engajamento pontual e desinteresse por política; (iv) realização de entrevistas em profundidade com famílias representantes das tendências encontradas na fase anterior, ferramenta por meio da qual pudemos observar a existência de diferentes tipos de transmissão intergeracional de política, que variam entre sólidas e porosas. / This research deals with the processes of formation and transmission of values, conducts and behaviors related to the world of politics among residents of the Ferrazópolis neighborhood,in the city of São Bernardo do Campo (SP), a popular neighborhood with a working tradition that has been passing through various changes in its configuration over the time, part of them due to the changes occurred in the labor market in the ABC Paulista region. The main goal of the research is to understand the processes of political socialization or processes of transmission of values, perceptions, attitudes and behaviors related to politcs, between two generations of residents. The first generation is mainly composed by migrant workers who were born between the 40s and the 60s, the second is composed by their children, who were born in the ABC region between the 70s and the 90s. In order to fulfill the objectives of the research, the methodology was executed in the following stages: i) observations in the neighborhood; (ii) the application of a questionnaire in a sample of the households in the neighborhood about the trajectory of the family and its political positions; (iii) mapping and analyzing perceived \"tendencies\" among families regarding their ways of relating to politics, classified among militancy tendencies, punctual engagement and disinterest in politics; (iv) interviews with families representing the \"trends\" found in the previous phase, a tool through which we could observe the existence of different types of intergenerational politics transmission, ranging from solid to porous.

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