本論文的研究目的，旨在探討戈巴契夫上臺後，為因應「亞洲世紀」及解 決國內問題，在「外交新思維」下所推展之新東北亞政策。該項政策分為 兩階段：第一階段為促成中蘇共合解。戈巴契夫深切體認蘇聯需要一個和 平的國際環境，來解決國內日益嚴重的經濟問題，因此必須與其有著世界 最長邊界且逐漸強大的中共改善關係。第二階段為改善蘇聯與日本、韓半 島的關係。日蘇兩國關係因「北方領土」爭執而無法突破，迨戈巴契夫掌 權，積極改善與日本的非政治關係，希望換取日本對蘇聯經改的支持。「 櫻花高峰會議」的召開雖顯示戈氏對日政策的彈性成果，會議的結果仍是 兩國關係受制於「北方領土」而無重大突破。在韓半島方面，蘇聯的「外 交新思維」與南韓的「北進政策」交集成兩國外交關係的建立，和解的氣 氛使得北韓亦無法堅持強硬姿態，對於韓半島的穩定有正面影響。 戈 巴契夫的東北亞政策既為解決國內問題，自受國內政、經、民族問題所影 響，而與東北亞相關的強國－中共、美國，更是影響戈氏該項決策的重要 外在因素，本文第五章對上述因素有較深入之分析。綜觀戈氏東北亞政策 的推展，雖然無法獲致全面的成功，但對於締造有利於蘇聯發展經濟的有 利環境，卻居功厥偉。

O objetivo desta dissertação é investigar o fragmento III.80-82 das Histórias, no qual Heródoto narra um debate entre três nobres persas, ocorrido em 522 a.C.. O que estava em discussão era a melhor forma de governo a ser adotada pela Pérsia após a morte do usurpador Smérdis. No chamado debate persa, Otanes propôs a adoção de uma constituição democrática, Megabizo sugeriu a instituição de uma oligarquia, e Dario, por fim, defendeu a manutenção da monarquia a ideia que venceu o debate. Nossa proposta é analisar a construção de um pensamento político nas Histórias, com o suporte da filosofia política, de modo a demonstrar que o autor pode ser classificado como um pensador político não-sistemático. Além disso, esse estudo demonstra a possibilidade da leitura do documento indicar a existência de seis formas de governo, sendo três constituições boas, e suas três versões degeneradas. / The objective of this study is investigate about the fragment III.80-82 of Herodotus Histories, in which the author describes a debate between three noble Persians, in 522 B.C.. They have been discussing the best form of government to be adopted in Persia after the death of Smérdis the usurper. In the Persian debate, Otanes proposed a democratic constitution, Megabyzus suggested an oligarchy, and after then Darius defended the maintenance of the monarchy the idea such win the debate. Our goal is to analyze the construction of a political thought in Histories, with the support of political philosophy, to show the author can be considered as a political thinking non-systematized. Besides, this work demonstrates a possibility to understand the document like a scheme of the six forms of government, with three good constitutions, and another three its bad versions.

O objetivo desta dissertação é investigar o fragmento III.80-82 das Histórias, no qual Heródoto narra um debate entre três nobres persas, ocorrido em 522 a.C.. O que estava em discussão era a melhor forma de governo a ser adotada pela Pérsia após a morte do usurpador Smérdis. No chamado debate persa, Otanes propôs a adoção de uma constituição democrática, Megabizo sugeriu a instituição de uma oligarquia, e Dario, por fim, defendeu a manutenção da monarquia a ideia que venceu o debate. Nossa proposta é analisar a construção de um pensamento político nas Histórias, com o suporte da filosofia política, de modo a demonstrar que o autor pode ser classificado como um pensador político não-sistemático. Além disso, esse estudo demonstra a possibilidade da leitura do documento indicar a existência de seis formas de governo, sendo três constituições boas, e suas três versões degeneradas. / The objective of this study is investigate about the fragment III.80-82 of Herodotus Histories, in which the author describes a debate between three noble Persians, in 522 B.C.. They have been discussing the best form of government to be adopted in Persia after the death of Smérdis the usurper. In the Persian debate, Otanes proposed a democratic constitution, Megabyzus suggested an oligarchy, and after then Darius defended the maintenance of the monarchy the idea such win the debate. Our goal is to analyze the construction of a political thought in Histories, with the support of political philosophy, to show the author can be considered as a political thinking non-systematized. Besides, this work demonstrates a possibility to understand the document like a scheme of the six forms of government, with three good constitutions, and another three its bad versions.

Dans ce travail, à partir de la question d'Alexandre Matheron, qui nous invite, dans son ouvrage Intitulé Individu et communauté chez Spinoza, à interroger sur une analogie éventuelle entre la pensée politique de Sartre et la théorie classique contractualiste, nous tentons de soulever les lignes d'argumentation parallèles (ou parfois communes) chez Spinoza et Sartre concernant le processus de la constitution et du maintien de la société libre. Et, dans la théorisation de ce processus active et résistante à toute approche contractualiste, nous tentons de montrer qu'une sorte d'articulation de la politique et de l'éthique se pose d'une manière semblable chez Spinoza et Sartre. Dans une telle démarche de réflexion, qui se situe au-delà d'une simple confrontation des théories politiques et éthiques des deux philosophes et d'une constatation des différences assez connues entre celles-ci, nous précisons le domaine philosophique dans lequel il paraît bien légitime de lire la philosophie pratique de Spinoza en parallèle avec celle de Sartre. Dans notre recherche, ce domaine de réflexion se présente comme un domaine d'analyse de la libération commune qui est suivie par l'établissement de la stabilité de la liberté, de la paix interindividuelle et de la concorde dans la société humaine. / In the origin of the present study lies a passage from Alexandre Matheron's book Individu et communauté chez Spinoza, where a highly interesting question incites the reader to reflect on the articulation of ethics and politics through a comparative study of Spinoza's and Jean-Paul Sartre's practical philosophies. In the present work, Matheron's question will constitute the point of departure of a reflection on the possibility of establishing a parallelism between the philosophies of Spinoza and Sartre. By proposing a negative answer to it, we will make a categorical distinction between Sartre's and Hobbes' political theories. To the existent that we will distinguish Sartre's political theory from classical contractualism, we will be able to emphasize the points of contact between the Sartrian and Spinozian standpoints, which, in our opinion, share a common anticontractualist basis. Throughout this comparative study, a detailed analysis of the moment of the organization of political society will be presented, with a view to disclose a particular way of articulating politics and ethics that is common to both of these philosophers who seems radically different at first glance.

This thesis analyzes the impact of high schools on the political thinking of students. For the analysis are used theoretical concepts of assumptions of indoctrination of educational system. Furthermore empirical indicators, which can draw attention to the indoctrination of the educational system. Also there is an experiment which was created for the analysis and is taking place at 22 high schools in three regions of the Czech Republic. Results of the analysis indicate that the problem of indoctrination in the education system is very serious, however, difficult to prove. The analysis failed to confirm the effect of high schools on the political thinking of students, but managed to make a picture of the danger of indoctrination in the education system, about its potential and options.

The presented work is devoted to the development of Czech environmental movement in 1990's which is accompanied by academic debate about de-radicalisation. The aim of the thesis is to explore what sort of particular changes in the field of political ideas could be identified behind notional de-radicalisation. For this purpose is first laid out the historical context within which the movements were created onto their political ideals. It is followed by an introduction of the theoretical approaches to analyse these ideologies, outlining the basic methodological assumptions for a morphological analysis of the journals of Hnuti Duha. This analysis shows that between the periods 1991-1994 and 1998-2000 can be seen significant ideological transformations that are linked both with the inclination to certain elements of conservative thought and partly an inclination to a non-political politics. Key words green political thinking, ideology, morphological analysis, environmental movement

The aim of the dissertation is to analyze the political conceptions of the monthly "Kultura" in the period since its creation until 1980. The magazine, which started coming out in 1947 in Italy, was created by expatriate Poles, who after the Yalta Agreements chose to stay in the West. The editorial board soon moved to France where on the outskirts of Paris in the small town of Maisons-Laffitte the monthly journal has been edited ever since. Thanks to the original profile of the magazine and its political philosophy it has managed to group around itself numerous outstanding Polish writers and commentators, both those active in the emigré communities and those living in Poland. Also Western authors as well as writers and commentators from other countries in Central and Eastern Europe published their texts on the magazine's pages. In spite of "Kultura's" illustrious successes and unique accomplishments, earlier research on its history has not moved beyond its initial stage. In publications devoted to the phenomenon of "Kultura" we may encounter contradictory ideological qualifications and opinions on the magazine's political profile. This is a consequence of the fact that there is painful lack of source materials and dissertations analyzing the accomplishments of "Kultura" from a long term perspective. This dissertation aims to fill out this gap by analyzing a period of over thirty years in the history of the periodical. An attempt is made to divide this history into periods on the basis of ideological and political criteria. A further aim is to define the style of political thinking dominant in the materials published in the periodical and to characterize it against the background of earlier political debates in prewar Poland. The adopted diachronic perspective and the wide spectrum of analyzed phenomena provide the basis for an assessment of which conceptions and ideological elements and values were constantly present in the political platform of the editors and which made only a temporary appearance in connection with the political sympathies of the periodical or the changing circumstances on the world scene. It should be added that this is the first dissertation on the subject to cover truly comprehensive research material and to analyze the political trends in "Kultura" from a long-term perspective. The main thesis of the dissertation may be formulated as follows: "Kultura" succeeded in forging such conceptions and theories and in chosing such political options whose adequacy has found confirmation in the postwar developments both in Poland and on the international scene. This was possible, inter alia, because the magazine managed to rise above the limitations of traditional Polish ideological and political trends and worked out on its pages a new style of political thinking. "Kultura" is thus understood for the purposes of this dissertation as a periodical, a political centre and a school of political thought.

第一章導論。說明本文寫作之動機、研究範圍、研究方法及其限制。以及對於「主義 」的體認。 第二章趙素昂先生與 孫中山牛生二人生平及其主要政治思想之比較研究。 第三章三均主義與三民主義的時代背景及其思想浦源之比較研究。 第四章三均主義與三民主義的哲學基礎及思想體系之比較研究。 第五章三均主義與三民主義的實錢方案之比較研究。 第六章結論。以三均主義與三民主義之精神義及比較研究之結果（包含兩主義之思想 形態及評價），做為本論文之總結。

The aim of the diploma thesis is the understanding of Nazi ideology in the context of the political science by second degree students of primary school. In the theoretical part is analyzed concept of political science curriculum in the curriculum of civics educational area of Human and society RVP ZV with focusing on the theme - Nazi ideology. There are explained basic concepts of this issue - curriculum, framework educational program, political education and ideology and their types. You will also find current communication research, which dealing with the evolution of the political thinking of second degree students of primary school. In the practical part of this work is working with selected group of students, so that can diagnose (based on own investigation) how these students understand the problems of ideology focusing on Nazism. The selected group consists of students of the ninth grade of primary school. In this section is described the preparation, realization, presentation and subsequent interpretation of qualitative research, which took the form of semi-structured interviews with students. The second important point in the practical part is the training center of Memorial Lidice. There is described and didactically analyzed the current educational program of the Memorial. This very...

Orientador: Marco Aurélio Nogueira / Resumo: O trabalho objetiva apreender o pensamento de política internacional de Fernando Henrique Cardoso e as possíveis estratégias de inserção internacional do Brasil diante da leitura cardosiana da configuração e dinâmica do Sistema Internacional. Intenta-se descrever, analisar e identificar a composição teórico-metodológica e as premissas epistemológicas utilizadas por Cardoso na análise da política internacional e, adicionalmente, apreender de que maneira suas visões contribuíram em seus posicionamentos políticos durante o período em que esteve à frente do Executivo Federal, a partir da passagem pelo Itamaraty, como Ministro das Relações Exteriores (1993-2002). Nesse sentido, buscou-se investigar a Política Externa de FHC, a fim de extrair e verificar os padrões conceituais que orientaram suas decisões durante a quadra histórica demarcada. Além de constatar possíveis rupturas e/ou continuidades em seu pensamento, considerando a trajetória cardosiana como intelectual expressivo e personagem político central na transição democrática brasileira, interessa-nos constatar até que ponto o legado do pensamento de Cardoso desenvolvido nos anos sessenta pode ser constatado em seu pensamento de política internacional posterior, já nos anos noventa, com a intensificação dos processos de globalização, diante de um cenário internacional em transição demarcado pelo fim da Guerra Fria e da ordem internacional bipolar. O tema da globalização inseriu-se como o centro das preocupações cardosiana d... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: This paper aims to apprehend Fernando Henrique Cardoso's thoughts on international politics and the potential strategies for Brazil's international insertion in face of the Cardosian reading of the configuration and dynamics of the International System. It is intended to describe, analyze and identify the theoretical-methodological composition and the epistemological premises used by Cardoso in the analysis of international politics and, additionally, to understand how his views contributed to his political positions during the period in which he was in charge of the Executive Federal Government, following his visit to Itamaraty, as Minister of Foreign Affairs (1993-2002). In this sense, we sought to investigate FHC's Foreign Policy to extract and verify the conceptual patterns that guided its decisions during the demarcated historical court. Besides remarking possible ruptures and /or continuities in his thinking, considering the Cardosian trajectory as an expressive intellectual and central political character in the Brazilian democratic transition, we are interested in understanding to what degree the legacy of Cardoso's thoughts developed in the sixties can be found in his thought of later international politics, already in the nineties, with the intensification of the processes of globalization, in face of an international scenario of transition demarcated by the end of the Cold War and the bipolar international order. The theme of globalization was inserted as the cente... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Resumen: Este artículo tiene como objetivo comprender el pensamiento de Fernando Henrique Cardoso sobre la política internacional y las posibles estrategias de inserción internacional de Brasil frente a la lectura cardosiana de la configuración y la dinámica del Sistema Internacional. Su objetivo es describir, analizar e identificar la composición teórico-metodológica y las premisas epistemológicas utilizadas por Cardoso en el análisis de la política internacional y, además, comprender cómo sus puntos de vista contribuyeron a sus posiciones políticas durante el período en el que estuvo a cargo del Ejecutivo. Gobierno Federal, luego de su visita a Itamaraty, como Ministro de Relaciones Exteriores (1993-2002). En este sentido, buscamos investigar la Política Exterior de FHC para extraer y verificar los patrones conceptuales que guiaron sus decisiones durante la corte histórica demarcada. Además de señalar posibles rupturas y / o continuidades en su pensamiento, considerando la trayectoria cardosiana como un carácter político intelectual y central expresivo en la transición democrática brasileña, nos interesa ver hasta qué punto el legado del pensamiento de Cardoso desarrollado en los años sesenta se puede encontrar en su pensamiento de la política internacional posterior, ya en los años noventa, con la intensificación de los procesos de globalización, frente a un escenario internacional de transición marcado por el fin de la Guerra Fría y el orden internacional bipolar. El tema de la gl... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletrônico abajo) / Doutor