• Refine Query
  • Source
  • Publication year
  • to
  • Language
  • 24
  • 4
  • 2
  • 1
  • Tagged with
  • 32
  • 32
  • 23
  • 22
  • 10
  • 10
  • 9
  • 8
  • 7
  • 6
  • 6
  • 5
  • 5
  • 5
  • 5
  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
31

Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007) : rupture ou continuité du péronisme ? : Les mutations du populisme en Argentine / Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007) : a breach or a continuity with peronism ? : Mutations of populism in Argentina.

Doz, Emilie 15 November 2013 (has links)
Le 25 mai 2003, le peuple argentin assistait à l’investiture présidentielle du candidat du Frente Para la Victoria, Néstor Kirchner. Suite à la défection de Carlos Menem pendant l’entre-deux tours, il est élu avec 22% des suffrages. Malgré cette faible légitimité, il réussit à insuffler un changement certain dans la politique argentine. L’objectif de ce travail de thèse est de montrer comment Néstor Kirchner est arrivé à imposer un nouveau système de référence et à tourner la page du passé néolibéral qui a conduit le pays à l’effondrement. Pour cela, notre travail se concentre d’abord sur la présentation nécessaire du contexte économique et politique antérieur aux élections de 2003. Cette contextualisation permet de mieux cerner les conditions dans lesquelles Néstor Kirchner est porté au pouvoir. Ensuite, nous étudions la lutte idéologique qui se met en place, notamment à l’intérieur même du péronisme, afin d’identifier les processus qui permettent au discours kirchnériste de devenir discours dominant. Enfin, il s’agira d’étudier les points de ruptures ou de convergences du kirchnérisme avec le populisme et le péronisme afin de mieux le caractériser. De plus, le décès de Néstor Kirchner survenu le 27 Octobre 2010 a provoqué un véritable choc. Aussi, l’étude de la figure post mortem de Kirchner permet de prendre la mesure du phénomène K, dans le sens où il symbolise à la fois une réhabilitation du politique, une reconstruction de la nation argentine et une refondation du péronisme au XXIème siècle. / On 25 May 2003, argentinian population attended the presidential nomination of the "Frente Para la Victoria" party candidate, Néstor Kirchner. Thanks to the defection of Carlos Menem between the two rounds, he was elected with 22% of votes. Despite this weak legitimacy, he succeeded in impulsing changes in Argentina political agenda. The purpose of this thesis is to show how Néstor Kirchner managed to impose a new system as a new reference, and to move on from a neoliberal past which led the country to collapse. Therefore, our work first focuses on a necessary presentation of economic and political background prior to 2003' elections. Such contextualisation allows us to have a better understanding of the conditions in which Néstor Kirchner reached the presidency. Then, we study the ideological struggle taking place afterwards, particularly within peronism itself, in order to identify the processes allowing the kirchnerist line to become a dominant speech. Finally, we will focus on Kirchnerism’s breakpoints or convergences with Peronist populism for a better characterization. In addition, the death of Néstor Kirchner the 27th of october 2010 caused a real shock. Also, the study of the postmortem figure of Kirchner allows us to estimate the "K" phenomenon, in the sense it symbolizes as well a rehabilitation of politics as a reconstruction of the argentinian nation, or an overhaul of peronism in the XXIst century.
32

Graphic revolt! : Scandinavian artists' workshops, 1968-1975 : Røde Mor, Folkets Ateljé and GRAS

Glomm, Anna Sandaker January 2012 (has links)
This thesis examines the relationship between the three artists' workshops Røde Mor (Red Mother), Folkets Ateljé (The People's Studio) and GRAS, who worked between 1968 and 1975 in Denmark, Sweden and Norway. Røde Mor was from the outset an articulated Communist graphic workshop loosely organised around collective exhibitions. It developed into a highly productive and professionalised group of artists that made posters by commission for political and social movements. Its artists developed a familiar and popular artistic language characterised by imaginative realism and socialist imagery. Folkets Ateljé, which has never been studied before, was a close knit underground group which created quick and immediate responses to concurrent political issues. This group was founded on the example of Atelier Populaire in France and is strongly related to its practices. Within this comparative study it is the group that comes closest to collective practises around 1968 outside Scandinavia, namely the democratic assembly. The silkscreen workshop GRAS stemmed from the idea of economic and artistic freedom, although socially motivated and politically involved, the group never implemented any doctrine for participation. The aim of this transnational study is to reveal common denominators to the three groups' poster art as it was produced in connection with a Scandinavian experience of 1968. By ‘1968' it is meant the period from the late 1960s till the end of the 1970s. It examines the socio-political conditions under which the groups flourished and shows how these groups operated in conjunction with the political environment of 1968. The thesis explores the relationship between political movements and the collective art making process as it appeared in Scandinavia. To present a comprehensible picture of the impact of 1968 on these groups, their artworks, manifestos, and activities outside of the collective space have been discussed. The argument has presented itself that even though these groups had very similar ideological stances, their posters and techniques differ. This has impacted the artists involved to different degrees, yet made it possible to express the same political goals. It is suggested to be linked with the Scandinavian social democracies and common experience of the radicalisation that took place mostly in the aftermath of 1968 proper. By comparing these three groups' it has been uncovered that even with the same socio-political circumstances and ideological stance divergent styles did develop to embrace these issue.

Page generated in 0.0585 seconds