Šio darbo objektas yra žmogaus teisių politika Vyšegrado šalyse. Tyrimo problema - Žmogaus teisių politika Vyšegrado valstybėse palyginus yra nauja ir iki šiol beveik netyrinėta tema, nors ir yra neatskiriama bendrosios pokumunistinės transformacijos dalis. Tyrimo problemą charakterizuoja tai, jog žmogaus teisių sferoje Vyšegrado šalys neturi gilių intelektualinių ir praktinių politinių tradicijų ir jų pradedamos formuluoti žmogaus teisių politikos nėra grįstos etosu, kuris tarptautinės bendruomenės būtų laikomas pavyzdiniu ar išbaigtu. ES reikalavimai ir spaudimas buvo pagrindinis išorinis veiksnys ir postūmis žmogaus teisių politikos plėtotei Vyšegrado valstybėse. Darbo tikslas tikslu tapo siekis išanalizuoti faktorius, lėmusius Vyšegrado šalių nacionalinės žmogaus teisių politikos ypatumus ir jų įsijungimą į tarptautinę žmogaus teisių politiką. Siekiant atskleisti minėtąjį tikslą, keliami šie uždaviniai: atskleisti Europos žmogaus teisių režimo ypatybes, jo teisinėses ir institucines struktūras; parodyti europinio žmogaus teisių apsaugos modelio efektyvumą ir poveikį; įvertinti Vyšegrado šalių nacionalinėje žmogaus teisių politikoje įvykusias institucines transformacijas; išanalizuoti Vyšegrado šalių valstybės ir visuomenės santykį formuojant nacionalines žmogaus teisių politikas; išnagrinėti Čekijos Respublikos, Lenkijos, Slovakijos ir Vengrijos dalyvavimą tarptautinėje žmogaus teisių politikoje. Atlikus tyrimą, kurio metu atsižvelgiant į darbo temą, jos platumą... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The object of this paper is the human rights policy in the Visegrad countries. The problem of the research – the Human Rights Policy in the Visegrad countries – is a relatively new and hardly explored subject, although it is an integral part of the general post-communistic transformation. The research problem is characterized by the fact that in the sphere of human rights of the Visegrad countries, no tradition of intellectual and practical political tradition occur, and their newly formulated policies on human rights are not based on the ethos that could be considered standard or finished by the international community. The EU requirements and pressure were the main external factors boosting the development of the human rights policy in the Visegrad countries. The aim of the paper is to analyze the factors that led to the peculiarities of the national human rights policy in the Visegrad countries, and their integration to the international human rights policy. In order to reveal the above-mentioned aim, the following tasks have been formed: to reveal the characteristics of the human rights regime, as well as its legal and institutional structures; to reflect the effectiveness and effect of the protection of human rights in Europe; to assess the institutional transformations that have taken place in the national human rights policy of the Visegrad countries; to analyze the relationship between the Visegrad countries and a society in shaping the national policies on human... [to full text]

My thesis focuses on agricultural livelihoods and EU integration in the Southern Carpathian Mountains of Romania.  I analyse how the EU’s Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) was deployed by policy makers and elites in the first year after EU membership, and how it shaped the livelihood possibilities of <i>tarani </i>(peasants).  Given the polarised nature of Romania’s post-socialist agrarian structure, the CAP excluded peasants from its policies, and demanded they change their <i>exploatatii/ferme de subzistenta;</i> (subsistence farms) into commercial farms.  Arguing from the premise that ‘subsistence farms’ are actually <i>gospodarii taranesti</i> (peasant households) working on different principles from farms altogether, it was possible to inquire into the strategies people deployed resourcefully in their everyday work to keep making a living. I analyse EU integration as a modern political and economic project that seeks to make the radically complicated pathways of people and things ‘transparent’.  I pursue the question of how the neoliberal expansion of economic rationality to all spheres of life shapes the actions of people. My ethnography captures the unease people felt in the face of the current transformation of value and illustrates how a much longer history of devaluing peasants has been taking place.  It makes clear how the devaluation of peasants and their produce is part of a larger epistemological project of development and progress.  My analytical framework enables me to show how the effects of polarisation and externalisation have had serious consequences for the ways people think about questions of freedom, success, merit and the ‘just state’ in Romania today.  My research suggests the need for a broader epistemological shift in the face of crisis, from a dominance approach towards commons thinking.

A la chute du mur de Berlin (novembre 1989) des mouvements de population inédits depuis la fin de la Deuxième Guerre Mondiale se développent en Europe. La mobilité d'Est en Ouest, contrainte depuis près d'un demi siècle, est de nouveau possible. Parmi les nombreux courants migratoires qui prennent leur essor dans cette période, les migrations polonaises constituent le flux le plus important.Les migrants polonais qui aboutissent en France présentent des caractéristiques originales. Ces flux, majoritairement féminin, impliquent des migrants individuels, provenant d'un large spectre de milieux sociaux et mettant en œuvre des mobilités temporaires. Les migrants polonais n'envisagent pas d'installation durable en France, mais construisent leur mobilité entre la France et la Pologne de façon fluide. Ces nouveaux flux contrastent avec l'immigration de travail ou de regroupement familial que la France a connu durant la deuxième moitié du XXème siècle. Depuis 1990, le nombre de mariages franco-polonais est en hausse constante, il atteint durant la période 1990-2004 sont plus haut niveau en France depuis les années 1950. Ces unions binationales impliquent ultra majoritairement des femmes polonaises et des hommes français. Compte tenu de la composition sexuelle du flux migratoire polonais, les femmes polonaises sont surreprésentées dans ces mariages mixtes. Nous examinons dans notre thèse les mécanismes qui conduisent des femmes arrivées sans intention d'établissement durable en France à se marier avec un Français. Le cheminement des Polonaises en France est abordé dans notre travail à travers le prisme de l'interaction des dynamiques migratoire et conjugale. De plus, le départ pour la France se fait pour notre population au moment de la jeunesse. Etudier les trajectoires migratoires à ce moment de la trajectoire biographique des migrantes, nous a également conduit à intégrer dans nos analyses les processus biographiques de passage à l'âge adulte. Ces trois dimensions (passage à l'âge adulte, dynamique migratoire et conjugale) seront mobilisées de façon articulée pour rendre compte de la place du mariage dans les trajectoires migratoires des Polonaises.La nature de l'objet sociologique et la posture théorique que nous avons choisies nous permettent ainsi de développer une réflexion à la confluence des sociologies conjugale, migratoire et de la jeunesse. / After the fall of the Berlin Wall (November 1989) the most important population movements since the end of World War II in Europe grow. The East West mobility, stress for nearly half a century, is again possible. Among the many migration streams that take their rise in this period, the Polish migration is the most important flows.Polish migrants who end up in France with original features. These flows, mostly women, involving individual migrants from a wide range of social backgrounds and implementing temporary mobility. Polish migrants do not consider permanent settlement in France, but build their mobility between France and Poland smoothly. These new flows contrast with labor migration or family reunification France experienced during the second half of the twentieth century.Migrants of this flow are also characterized by original marriage practices. Since 1990, the number of French-Polish marriages is steadily rising, it reached during the period 1990-2004 are the highest level in France since the 1950s. These binational marriages involving Polish women and French men mostly ultra. Given the gender composition of the Polish migration flows, Polish women are overrepresented in these mixed marriages.This analysis allows us to observe migratory trajectories strongly gendered. We examine our thesis the mechanisms that lead women arrived with no intention of sustainable business in France to marry a French. The path of Polish in France is discussed in our work through the prism of the interaction of dynamic migration and marriage. In addition, the departure for France is for our people at youth. Studying migration paths at the time of the life history of migrants, we also conducted to incorporate into our analysis the biographical process of transition to adulthood. These three dimensions (transition to adulthood, marriage and migration dynamics) will be mobilized in an articulated manner to account for the place of marriage in the migratory paths of Polish.The nature of the object and the sociological theoretical position that we have chosen and allow us to develop a reflection at the confluence of domestic sociology, migration and youth.

Thesis advisor: Paul T. Christensen / Compares globalization's impact on blue-collar workers in Poland and Russia, asking two major questions: Is conventional wisdom about globalization's impact on labor accurate in the Polish and Russian contexts? What shape has Poland and Russia's reintegration into the globalized system taken since the collapse of communism? Following the collapse of communism from 1989 to 1991, there was a great international effort to reintegrate Poland and Russia (and the whole of the former Soviet Union more generally) into the global system. Now, more than ten years later, there is some doubt about the success of this mission. Clearly, Poland and Russia are in different positions vis a vis the international system. While Poland is a member of NATO and has just joined the EU, Russia continues to struggle to find its place globally. It is part of the CIS and has obserer status in the WTO, but remains outside NATO and is conflicted about its relationship with its neighbors. The two countries in certain respects, then, represent the extremes on a scale of post-communist global reintegration. Labor, in turn, has been an historically important force for establishing and consolidating democracy. Therefore, it warrents scrutiny. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2004. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: International Studies. / Discipline: College Honors Program.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2006. / Title from first page of PDF file. Includes bibliographical references (p. 197-205).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2006. / Title from first page of PDF file. Includes bibliographical references (p. 230-241).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2002.

The dissertation analyzes the behavior of post-communist firms and business associations, and explores how business interests and organization are affected by the types of states that firms confront. Focusing on the countries of the former Soviet Union, the project seeks to further our understanding of post-communist political economy and enrich extant theory on business-state relations. I challenge conventional explanations for why business organizes, and why some firms join formal business associations, while others do not. Existing theories draw primarily from the experience of advanced industrial democracies, and thus fail to capture the dynamics of organization when business confronts a corrupt, and frequently predatory, state. Drawing on fieldwork in Russia and Ukraine, and aggregate analysis covering other transition economies, the project identifies the conditions that restructure incentives for firms to participate in business associations, and impede associations from developing as political intermediaries that facilitate interaction between public and private actors. It locates these conditions in the character and structure of the state which differentiates some post-communist states not only from their peers in the region, but also from the advanced industrial states on whose experience conventional theories are built. The presence of incapacitated and highly corrupt bureaucracies cardinally alters the traditional incentives for firms to organize collectively. When firms can expect little of the civil service with respect to public goods provision and policy continuity, but can instead expect public servants to work for private gain, they develop strong incentives to turn to private arrangements in order to lessen the uncertainty and threats bred in the absence of strong state institutions. The structure and character of the state bureaucracy also affects the opportunities for, and constraints on, engagement between business associations and public officials. Corruption within the bureaucracy is most commonly viewed as an opportunity that business can exploit. Instead, I show that the prevalence of corruption hinders the ability of business associations to obtain influence over government agencies. Precisely because corruption enables direct contacts by individual corporate giants with government agencies, it undermines the collective efforts of smaller firms that make up the majority of the private sector. There is, however, an ironic twist to the story. Under some conditions, corruption within the bureaucracy can impel political authorities to empower external, private business groups in order to divest themselves of an ineffective tool of policy implementation. This “divesture rationale” adds an additional consideration to existing arguments about how, when, and for what purposes collective, membership-based organizations emerge in the private sector. / Government

Disertacijoje tyrinėjama asmeninių socialinių paslaugų institucinė ir organizacinė struktūra Lietuvoje. Pagrindinis darbo tikslas – ištirti Vakarų šalių asmeninių socialinių paslaugų institucinės ir organizacinės struktūros pagrindinių bruožų raišką Lietuvoje. Disertacijos struktūrą lėmė išsikeltas tyrimo tikslas. Pirmoje darbo dalyje siekiama pateikti asmeninių socialinių paslaugų sampratą, išskiriant ją sudarančius elementus, kurių transformacijos analizuojamos kitose darbo dalyse. Antroje darbo dalyje pristatomi tyrimo objektai, duomenų šaltiniai ir duomenų rinkimo metodai, duomenų analizės metodai ir procesas. Trečiojoje darbo dalyje analizuojama Lietuvos asmeninių socialinių paslaugų institucinė ir organizacinė struktūra, siekiant identifikuoti Vakarų šalių asmeninių socialinių paslaugų institucinės ir organizacinės struktūros bruožus, bei atskleisti atitinkamo bruožo raišką sąlygojančius mechanizmus. Disertacijoje konstatuojama, kad Lietuvos asmeninių socialinių paslaugų institucinėje ir organizacinėje struktūroje galima identifikuoti tam tikrus Vakarų šalių bruožus, tačiau jų raiška yra veikiama iki nepriklausomybės atkūrimo buvusios institucinės ir organizacinės struktūros. / He objective of the dissertation is to identify the main features of Western personal social services in institutional and organizational structure of post-communist Lithuania. The first part of the dissertation is devoted to get analytical frame of personal social services. Part two presents the research strategy used to analyze the institutional and organizations structure of personal social services in post-communist Lithuania: object of research, data sources and data gathering techniques, data analysis process and techniques. The analysis of institutional and organizational structure of personal social services in post-communist Lithuania is conducted in the third part of dissertation. Findings: the institutional and organizational structure of personal social services in post-communist Lithuania corresponds to Western structures, but the development was influenced by the legacy of communist period.

The aim of this dissertation is to analyze the relationship between the event of post-communism and the democratic nature of the political. Three main tendencies of post-communist condition are analyzed: the relationship between post-communism and historicism; the interaction between post-communism, liberalism and postmodernism; the relationship between unitarism and pluralism. The fundamental assumption of the analysis is the significance of post-foundational political thought for the understanding of post-communism. Post-communism is analyzed not as linear liberal modernization, but as democratic transformation. Post-communism is the hybrid condition that includes the alter egos of communism, liberalism and postmodernism. Post-communism assimilates the potential alter egos of liberalism and postmodernism and therefore transforms the distinction of friend/enemy to the criterion of friend/friend, which ignores the nature of the political. Condition of post-communism requires not the eradication of differencies, but self-reflection of the differential nature of the political. The task of new democracy of post-communism is to articulate the possibility of democratic pluralistic politics under post-totalitarian conditions. However, post-communism is reluctant to accept the dimension of post-totalitarianism and tries to converge with universal post-liberalism. Dominating liberal pluralism assimilates democratic pluralism which becomes democratic procedural minimalism. / Disertacijos tikslas yra išnagrinėti sąveikas tarp postkomunizmo įvykio prigimties ir demokratinės politiškumo prigimties. Darbe yra nagrinėjamos trejopos sąveikos: postkomunizmo ir istorizmo santykis; postkomunizmo, liberalizmo ir postmodernizmo santykis; vienovės ir pliuralumo santykis. Specifinei postkomunizmo būklės analizei taikomos postfundacionalizmo filosofijos idėjos. Postkomunizmas nagrinėjamas ne pabrėžiant liberalios modernizacijos turinį (kaip tranzitologinėse koncepcijose), bet analizuojant demokratinės transformacijos sąlygas ir galimybes. Postkomunizmo tapatybė formuojasi kaip hibridinis trijų sudedamųjų dalių – komunizmo, liberalizmo ir postmodernizmo – darinys. Liberalizmo ir postmodernizmo alter ego yra asimiliuojami universalistinėje draugo/draugo asociacijoje, kuri pakeičia išorinę draugo/priešo skirtį, nurodančią politiškumo prigimtį. Diferencinės politikos kilmės problema yra nauja, aktuali ir tęstinė postkomunizmo būklės problema. Postkomunizmas linkęs pamiršti posttotalitarizmo komponentą (jeigu išeinama iš komunizmo, tai išeinama ir iš totalitarizmo) ir siekia prisišlieti prie postliberalizmo tendencijų. Demokratinio pliuralizmo idėją asimiliuoja dominuojanti liberalios pliuralizacijos tendencija.