The Church social missions have undergone different paradigm shifts whilst trying to respond to challenges faced by the poor in the society. It seems that at the beginning the Development paradigm was the one used by churches in designing their social mission strategies. According to this paradigm, help for the poor in the society was to come from the Western countries’ development initiatives; in the process of implementing such strategies the local people’s cultural aspirations were often neglected. On the other hand, the poor were not given a chance to take destiny into their own hands in order to define the solutions to their problems. However, this paradigm was later declared a failure and a need to move to the Post Development Paradigm was advocated. This study argues that most churches in Mankweng still base their social missions strategies on the Development paradigm and therefore they fail to adequately respond to the challenges faced by the poor in that community. The study therefore looks at a possibility of developing a new social mission strategyin Mankweng that is based on the Post Development Paradigm. Though the title is about Mankweng, the focus of the study is on the Western part of the Township called Ntshitshane. Observations and interviews were conducted amongst the community members in that area. After a thorough analysis of the findings it was established that the poor in that context relies among other things on their cultural ethic of bothoas a means of addressing their social challenges. This study concludes that the same cultural ethic of botho used by the poor there can be a viable point of departure in defining a social mission strategy within that context. / Christian Spirituality, Church History & Missiology / M. Th. (Missiology)

No ano de 2011, a Bolívia enfrentou um de seus conflitos sociais mais graves desde que Evo Morales assumiu a presidência do país em 2006. Os indígenas residentes no Parque Nacional e Território Indígena Isiboro Sécure (TIPNIS) organizaram uma marcha para protestar contra a construção do trecho de uma rodovia que atravessaria seu território. Tal mobilização se transformou em um conflito de amplitude nacional e internacional, pois evidenciou contradições na política interna de Evo Morales que se refletiram na política externa boliviana. As contradições entre a retórica ecologista e indigenista do presidente e sua política nacional neoextrativista ficam evidentes. Assim, o estudo de caso do conflito no TIPNIS ilustra o embate entre duas concepções opostas de organização socioeconômica do país: uma baseada na manutenção do capitalismo extrativista-exportador e outra que propõe a ruptura com essa prática secular e a valorização da convivência harmoniosa entre o ser humano e a natureza, denominada buen vivir. / In 2011, Bolivia faced one of its most serious social conflicts since Evo Morales became president of the country in 2006. The indigenous people resident in the National Park and Indigenous Territory Isiboro Sécure (TIPNIS) organized a march to protest against the construction of the stretch of a highway that would cross their territory. Such mobilization became a conflict of national and international scale, revealing contradictions in the internal politics of Evo Morales and reflecting in the Bolivian foreign policy. The contradictions among indigenous and environmentalist president’s rhetoric and his neoextractive national political became evident. Thus, the case study of the conflict in TIPNIS illustrates the clash between two opposite conceptions of socioeconomic organization of the country: one based on the maintenance of extractive capitalism and other proposing to break with this secular practice and to valorize harmonious coexistence between human being and nature, called buen vivir. / En 2011, Bolivia se enfrentó a uno de sus conflictos sociales más graves desde que Evo Morales asumió la presidencia del país en 2006. Los habitantes indígenas en el Parque Nacional y Territorio Indígena Isiboro Sécure (TIPNIS) organizaran una marcha para protestar contra la construcción del tramo de una carretera que atravesaría su territorio. Esta movilización se convirtió en un conflicto de escala nacional e internacional, revelando contradicciones en la política interna de Evo Morales y en la política exterior boliviana. Las contradicciones entre la retórica indígena y ambientalista del presidente y su política nacional neoextrativista se quedaron evidentes. Por lo tanto, el estudio de caso del conflicto en el TIPNIS ilustra el enfrentamiento entre dos concepciones opuestas de organización socioeconómica del país: uno basado en el mantenimiento del capitalismo extractivista-exportador y otro que propone romper con la referida práctica secular y valorar de la convivencia entre el ser humano y la naturaleza, llamado buen vivir.

Volunteer tourism is a globally, popular and well-known field in which anyone may participate. During recent years the industry has increasingly received some criticism, in contrast to the otherwise quite commonly positive view of it. Hence, this thesis is taking a closer look at the industry and the discourse surrounding it and how the public opinion has changed during the last years. It will bring into light the impact volunteer tourism has both on the local communities and the volunteer tourists themselves. This will be done with respect to the following cases; positive, critical and seeing both sides of the discourse. The data derives from secondary and tertiary sources, the majority from articles from four of the world’s biggest newspapers. Post-Development theory will be used to identify the ideas regarding the discourse, which will be done with an approach of structured, focused comparison and critical discourse analysis. Additionally it will aim to identify the pros and cons with volunteer tourism and discuss why one of the perspectives might require more attention than it has had up until now. Significantly though, it will aim to provide the reader with an overall and objective view of the field.

The method of my thesis is "historical document analysis" whose major line is dependency theory of Marxism which I will pick up famous scholar's books or journals within. Dependency theory of Marxism consists of underdevelopment school and dependent development school. The former has A. G. Frank, T. Dos Santos and Samir Amin etc.. The latter has F. H. Cardoso, E. Faletto, Peter B. Evans, J. A Caporaso and R. H. Chilcote etc.. Dependency theory of Structuralism which is a complement to dependency theory of Marxism has Raúl Prebisch, Celso Furtado and Osvaldo Sunkel. As to state development's research of dependency theory, it includes three parts: origins, schools and prospection. First part is origins. The academic thinking of dependency theory which is one of theories about researches of colonialism and imperialism in the 1960s follows Marxism's foundation¢w¢wi.e. productivity and productive relations. Though, dependency theory on the sphere of international relation belongs to a pan-Marxism family¢w¢was is neo-Marxism. However, Marx himself also ever declared that he wasn't a Marxist, namely, that researchers who follow Marx only take a part of Marx's intelligence, not all¢w¢weven distort that. So, the first step to understand economic asymmetry relations between peripheral and central state is back to the tradition of classical Marxism¢w¢wnamely, Marx's, Lenin's and Engel's intelligence¢w¢wand searches origins of dependency theory about peripherial state. Second part is schools which follow so-called "Two Stages" of Classical dependency and Dependent development theory. In first stage, it will begin to analyse United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLA) school's views and turns to underdevelopment school's views. From this kind of analysis, we can understand underdevelopment school's critique of ECLA school and innovation. For these management, the thesis will be written with "inside" and "outside" relations. Before that, I will elaborate illumination of P. Baran, P. Sweezy and Prebisch on Frank's peripheral state. In second one, the thesis begines with Cardoso's, Faletto's, Caporaso's and Chilcote's views about historical-structural approach in order to emphasize methodical changes from Classical dependency theory to Dependent development theory, and show state's development problems affected by inner classes and transnational companies with Evans' "triple alliance". The last part is prospection. Dependency theory gets rise from 1950s. As time goes by, the methodology of dependency theory doesn't satisfy with academic researches in the age of globalization. So the thesis will dig out the value which is that dependency theory can countine to criticize the unfair structure of capitalism in the age of globalization from new researches of dependency theory's scholars which include dependency theory of Marxism and Structuralism.

Whithin the recent human centered development approach, the mission of development&#039 / s declared aims are alleviating poverty, increasing choices by reducing &#039 / risks&#039 / and empowering women. In line with the human development framework, Reproductive Health program aims at improving women&#039 / s health, enlarging women&#039 / s chices and engendering reproductive rights. The scope of &#039 / empowerment&#039 / is conceptualized as strenthening their capabilities to prevent sexual reproductive health risks, thereby enlarging their reproductive choices whithout reflecting on the role of general political economic structures. this thesis argues that while general health indicators and life choices and rights of poor women are decreasing due to neoliberal shrinkage of social policy and flexible working regimes, the sole focus on reproductive health and rights by development agents is irrelevant. In line with this argument, this study draws upon post-development theory in order to argue that development is a historically specific representation of social reality which permits particular modes of knowing while disqualifying others for perpetuating gobal hegemonic regimes.

In this thesis, I examine the case of the Canadian-based multinational mining corporation GreyStar resources Ltd. in Colombia. Angosturas is GreyStar’s large-scale gold mining project in the sensitive wet highland of páramo de Santurbán in the northeast of the Andes. Although GreyStar has undertaken explorations in this area since 1994, Colombia’s Ministry of Environment denied the environmental license to the company to start with extractions in 2011. I suggest that the government’s decision must be understood in the context of massive mobilizations against the project in large cities such as Bucaramanga and Bogotá as well as the principle of sustainable development (hereafter SD). The latter forms part of the 1991 Colombian constitution, and thus, through this legal presence, is considered to provide environmental protection in the country. Despite this government’s recent ruling, GreyStar (which renamed itself ‘Eco Oro’ after the 2011 decision) and other mining companies (e.g. Ventana Gold) have continued their quest to gain permission to begin with extractions in Santurbán. I explore why these continued attempts to persuade the government regarding extraction licensing is possible. In doing so, I critically investigate the principle of SD, which is central to the resolution by which the Ministry of the Environment denies the environmental license to Eco Oro (GreyStar). In other words, this thesis asks why SD allows for the classification of large-scale mining as a ‘common-good’ activity, which has negative implications on attempts to designate certain ecosystems (e.g. páramo) as common-goods on the basis that there are to be sustained as such, and therefore, an unequivocal moratorium on large-scale mining in these ecosystems is necessary. What and whose common-good does large-scale mining in sensitive ecosystems represent? I argue that in the scope of SD, commoditized nature is vulnerable to the volatility of markets and corporate profitability. This thesis is a criticism of SD and the limitations it places on hearing certain kinds of languages and discourses that resist the key assumptions of SD. The case study allows for addressing a gap in the existing literature, which is the distinctive situation of no legally considered ethnic minorities (e.g. small farmers, small miners, and the cities). / Thesis (Master, Cultural Studies) -- Queen's University, 2012-09-24 10:28:50.601

The Church social missions have undergone different paradigm shifts whilst trying to respond to challenges faced by the poor in the society. It seems that at the beginning the Development paradigm was the one used by churches in designing their social mission strategies. According to this paradigm, help for the poor in the society was to come from the Western countries’ development initiatives; in the process of implementing such strategies the local people’s cultural aspirations were often neglected. On the other hand, the poor were not given a chance to take destiny into their own hands in order to define the solutions to their problems. However, this paradigm was later declared a failure and a need to move to the Post Development Paradigm was advocated. This study argues that most churches in Mankweng still base their social missions strategies on the Development paradigm and therefore they fail to adequately respond to the challenges faced by the poor in that community. The study therefore looks at a possibility of developing a new social mission strategyin Mankweng that is based on the Post Development Paradigm. Though the title is about Mankweng, the focus of the study is on the Western part of the Township called Ntshitshane. Observations and interviews were conducted amongst the community members in that area. After a thorough analysis of the findings it was established that the poor in that context relies among other things on their cultural ethic of bothoas a means of addressing their social challenges. This study concludes that the same cultural ethic of botho used by the poor there can be a viable point of departure in defining a social mission strategy within that context. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / M. Th. (Missiology)

No ano de 2011, a Bolívia enfrentou um de seus conflitos sociais mais graves desde que Evo Morales assumiu a presidência do país em 2006. Os indígenas residentes no Parque Nacional e Território Indígena Isiboro Sécure (TIPNIS) organizaram uma marcha para protestar contra a construção do trecho de uma rodovia que atravessaria seu território. Tal mobilização se transformou em um conflito de amplitude nacional e internacional, pois evidenciou contradições na política interna de Evo Morales que se refletiram na política externa boliviana. As contradições entre a retórica ecologista e indigenista do presidente e sua política nacional neoextrativista ficam evidentes. Assim, o estudo de caso do conflito no TIPNIS ilustra o embate entre duas concepções opostas de organização socioeconômica do país: uma baseada na manutenção do capitalismo extrativista-exportador e outra que propõe a ruptura com essa prática secular e a valorização da convivência harmoniosa entre o ser humano e a natureza, denominada buen vivir. / In 2011, Bolivia faced one of its most serious social conflicts since Evo Morales became president of the country in 2006. The indigenous people resident in the National Park and Indigenous Territory Isiboro Sécure (TIPNIS) organized a march to protest against the construction of the stretch of a highway that would cross their territory. Such mobilization became a conflict of national and international scale, revealing contradictions in the internal politics of Evo Morales and reflecting in the Bolivian foreign policy. The contradictions among indigenous and environmentalist president’s rhetoric and his neoextractive national political became evident. Thus, the case study of the conflict in TIPNIS illustrates the clash between two opposite conceptions of socioeconomic organization of the country: one based on the maintenance of extractive capitalism and other proposing to break with this secular practice and to valorize harmonious coexistence between human being and nature, called buen vivir. / En 2011, Bolivia se enfrentó a uno de sus conflictos sociales más graves desde que Evo Morales asumió la presidencia del país en 2006. Los habitantes indígenas en el Parque Nacional y Territorio Indígena Isiboro Sécure (TIPNIS) organizaran una marcha para protestar contra la construcción del tramo de una carretera que atravesaría su territorio. Esta movilización se convirtió en un conflicto de escala nacional e internacional, revelando contradicciones en la política interna de Evo Morales y en la política exterior boliviana. Las contradicciones entre la retórica indígena y ambientalista del presidente y su política nacional neoextrativista se quedaron evidentes. Por lo tanto, el estudio de caso del conflicto en el TIPNIS ilustra el enfrentamiento entre dos concepciones opuestas de organización socioeconómica del país: uno basado en el mantenimiento del capitalismo extractivista-exportador y otro que propone romper con la referida práctica secular y valorar de la convivencia entre el ser humano y la naturaleza, llamado buen vivir.

No ano de 2011, a Bolívia enfrentou um de seus conflitos sociais mais graves desde que Evo Morales assumiu a presidência do país em 2006. Os indígenas residentes no Parque Nacional e Território Indígena Isiboro Sécure (TIPNIS) organizaram uma marcha para protestar contra a construção do trecho de uma rodovia que atravessaria seu território. Tal mobilização se transformou em um conflito de amplitude nacional e internacional, pois evidenciou contradições na política interna de Evo Morales que se refletiram na política externa boliviana. As contradições entre a retórica ecologista e indigenista do presidente e sua política nacional neoextrativista ficam evidentes. Assim, o estudo de caso do conflito no TIPNIS ilustra o embate entre duas concepções opostas de organização socioeconômica do país: uma baseada na manutenção do capitalismo extrativista-exportador e outra que propõe a ruptura com essa prática secular e a valorização da convivência harmoniosa entre o ser humano e a natureza, denominada buen vivir. / In 2011, Bolivia faced one of its most serious social conflicts since Evo Morales became president of the country in 2006. The indigenous people resident in the National Park and Indigenous Territory Isiboro Sécure (TIPNIS) organized a march to protest against the construction of the stretch of a highway that would cross their territory. Such mobilization became a conflict of national and international scale, revealing contradictions in the internal politics of Evo Morales and reflecting in the Bolivian foreign policy. The contradictions among indigenous and environmentalist president’s rhetoric and his neoextractive national political became evident. Thus, the case study of the conflict in TIPNIS illustrates the clash between two opposite conceptions of socioeconomic organization of the country: one based on the maintenance of extractive capitalism and other proposing to break with this secular practice and to valorize harmonious coexistence between human being and nature, called buen vivir. / En 2011, Bolivia se enfrentó a uno de sus conflictos sociales más graves desde que Evo Morales asumió la presidencia del país en 2006. Los habitantes indígenas en el Parque Nacional y Territorio Indígena Isiboro Sécure (TIPNIS) organizaran una marcha para protestar contra la construcción del tramo de una carretera que atravesaría su territorio. Esta movilización se convirtió en un conflicto de escala nacional e internacional, revelando contradicciones en la política interna de Evo Morales y en la política exterior boliviana. Las contradicciones entre la retórica indígena y ambientalista del presidente y su política nacional neoextrativista se quedaron evidentes. Por lo tanto, el estudio de caso del conflicto en el TIPNIS ilustra el enfrentamiento entre dos concepciones opuestas de organización socioeconómica del país: uno basado en el mantenimiento del capitalismo extractivista-exportador y otro que propone romper con la referida práctica secular y valorar de la convivencia entre el ser humano y la naturaleza, llamado buen vivir.

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