During the 1990s, most African countries experienced what has been termed their ‘second independence’ (cf. Bratton and Hyden 1992), a period of political upheaval and transformation leading to the introduction of democratic rule. In many countries including South Africa and Cameroon, the process triggered fresh debates about the status and role of chiefs. The popular assumption in ‘struggle circles’ such as the African National Congress (ANC) was that chiefs would be relegated to the background in the democratic era, thus giving room to people’s power and new forms of accountability. But the reality was that the introduction of democracy created a situation whereby many rural people felt excluded economically from the boundless promises of the new dispensation. This dissatisfaction among rural people brought into question the legitimacy of some structures such as the local government even though the ruling ANC continued to enjoy much support among the masses. This in turn provided an enabling environment in which some, but not all, chiefs could make new claims for legitimacy. This is because some chiefs remain discredited by their past association with apartheid authorities. Chief Tshivhase is one of the few chiefs who has successfully associated himself with the ANC both at the national and provincial levels. This has given him space to act decisively in certain ways on behalf of the poor at the local level, thereby winning credibility among rural people. Thus, his credibility is two-fold – with the national politicians, because he is one of them, and with the people of the chiefdom. Chief Tshivhase’s ability to renegotiate his status and gain new legitimacy as chief is a particular example of how the game of neo-liberal democracy is played out in post-apartheid South Africa. In the chiefdom of Bali Nyonga in Cameroon, Chief Ganyonga’s career looks rather similar to Tshivhase’s in so far as he too has risen to national prominence in the ruling party in Cameroon, the Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM) in the era of democracy. But Cameroon’s democratic transition was contradictory in the sense that it introduced the form of democracy but not its substance, leaving the ruling party the ability to manipulate and suppress the opposition and civil society. It was against this background that Ganyonga’s prominence in the CPDM contributed to undermining his legitimacy in the eyes of his subjects because they believed that his prominence in the party left them without any shield from the predation and manipulation of the state. Ganyonga was seen to be in ‘illicit cohabitation’ with a self-serving ruling party, at a time when his subjects wanted to use their newfound rights as citizens to vote the opposition into office. But Ganyonga’s involvement in the politics of the so-called ‘Anglophone problem’ helped to legitimise his participation in modern politics as a chief. Against this background, this thesis examines why both chiefs used their positions as a springboard into national politics? It also establishes the kinds of legitimacy claimed by these chiefs and to what extent the masses are persuaded by such claims and how the chiefs’ involvement in national politics has affected the relationship between them and their subjects. This thesis therefore makes a case for the importance of comparative research on chiefs in the era of democracy and the predicaments they face therein. The thesis argues that contrary to exhortations about the incompatibility of chiefs and democracy, the reality is that political transition in both countries produced contradictions which created space for chiefs to fill but on condition that they were able to draw from different kinds of legitimacy and had not been discredited by their past or present involvement with the postcolonial state. / Dissertation (MA (Social Science))--University of Pretoria, 2005. / Anthropology and Archaeology / unrestricted

Si l’État moderne s’est constitué par un processus d’unification de sa souveraineté territoriale, celle-ci doit aujourd’hui être repensée. En effet, bien que demeure une inclination de tout État à préserver son unité, il apparaît que le territoire sur lequel l’État entend étendre sa souveraineté fasse désormais l’objet de revendications diverses. Cette situation est particulièrement prégnante dans les États issus de la colonisation et au sein desquels l’indépendance n’a pas nécessairement remis en cause le lien de subordination des peuples colonisés aux peuples colonisateurs. Faisant perdurer une situation de domination largement condamnée sur le plan international compte tenu de la proclamation du droit des peuples à disposer d’eux-mêmes, ce phénomène de décolonisation partielle pose inévitablement question du point de vue de la théorie de l’État. En effet, cela conduit à opposer d’un côté, un modèle étatique d’inspiration européenne aspirant à la souveraineté territoriale et de l’autre, des peuples autochtones entretenant une revendication vis-à-vis de ce même territoire, fondée su l ’illégitimité originelle de la conquête dont sont finalement issus ces États. Ainsi, la réhabilitation de la vérité historique et la condamnation plus ou moins unanime de la colonisation a pu conduire à ce que de manière générale, les peuples autochtones soient rétablis dans leurs droits territoriaux. Ce faisant, le droit qu’ont les États sur le territoire ne peut désormais s’exercer sans tenir compte des privilèges originels dont ils sont susceptibles de jouir. En conséquence, une telle démarche peut conduire à la remise en cause de la souveraineté territoriale de ces États puisqu’ils ne disposent plus d’une puissance absolue et inconditionnelle sur leur territoire, mais bien d’une autorité conditionnée par le respect des droits des peuples autochtones, dimension alors largement confirmée par le développement d’un droit international des peuples autochtones. Ce phénomène, qui caractérise les États d’Amérique latine issus de la colonisation hispanique ainsi que certains États issus de la colonisation britannique – États-Unis, Canada, Australie, Nouvelle-Zélande – peut conduire à voir émerger une catégorie particulière d’État que représente l’État postcolonial. / Modern State has been formed by unification process of its territorial sovereignty but this must be redefined today. Indeed, although all States have a tendency to preserve their unity, it appears that the territory on which the State intends to extend its sovereignty is the subject of various claims. This situation is particularly characterized for States deriving from colonization and for which, independence did not challenged the subordination of colonized peoples to colonizing peoples. By perpetuating a situation of domination largely condemned by International law, considering the right of peoples to self-determination, this partial decolonization raises question in State theory. This leads to oppose on the one hand, an European State model aspiring to territorial sovereignty and on the other hand, some indigenous peoples having a claim to the same territory, based on the original illegitimacy of the conquest from which these States have emerged. Thus, there habilitation of historical truth and the unanimous condemnation of colonization have restored indigenous peoples in their territorial rights. Thereby, the States’ right on territory cannot be exercised without considering the original privileges of first inhabitants. Consequently, such approach may dispute territorial sovereignty of these States because they no longer have an absolute and unconditional power over their territory, but only aconditioned authority by the respect of indigenous peoples’ rights, which is largely confirmed by the development of an international law of indigenous peoples. This situation, which appear in the Latin-America States derived of Hispanic colonization, and in some States derived British colonization – United States, Canada,Australia, New-Zealand –, may contribute to define a particular category of States, which represents the postcolonial State.

Le Bénin partage près de 2000 km (cumulés) de frontières avec le Nigeria, le Togo, le Niger et le Burkina Faso. Des dynamiques transfrontalières, particulièrement importantes, viennent souligner à la fois, l’impertinence des frontières-barrières coloniales hâtivement tracées, mais aussi des modèles d’intégration régionale en Afrique de l’Ouest. Aux confins des États limitrophes, des territoires transfrontaliers économiquement, ethniquement et culturellement homogènes relativisent le concept de frontière-ligne, sans toutefois faire disparaître les différences d’ordre institutionnel, administratif et politique. Ces territoires «flottants», caractérisés par un syndrome de l’«entre-deux», disposent d’extraordinaires potentiels d’intégration qui pourraient être davantage exploités dans un contexte administratif décentralisé. La question est celle des stratégies et modalités d’intégration régionale en Afrique de l’Ouest. L’absence de volonté politique ne peut suffire à expliquer la vacuité des processus d’intégration. Cette thèse offre des perspectives de définition d’une matrice nouvelle en relations internationales et en politique publique, complémentaire des approches classiques d’analyse des mécanismes d’intégration régionale en Afrique de l’Ouest. Le grand défi consistant à trouver des formules permettant aux communautés et identités qui transcendent les frontières nationales de s’épanouir dans une logique bottom up, sans que le fait ethnique ou les dynamiques locales autonomes ne soient considérées comme remettant en cause la souveraineté des États et leurs prérogatives. L’unité culturelle profonde de la région est un atout fondamental de l’action publique. Car, ce n’est qu’enraciné dans sa culture et son histoire que l’Africain peut se réinventer une patrie qui libère des frontières nationales. D’où la pertinence de la coopération transfrontalière, une tentative d’endogénéisation des mécanismes d’intégration, une tentative pour mettre le développement local au service de l’intégration régionale. Elle devrait consacrer une seconde évolution stratégique de la CEDEAO. Créée le 28 mai 1975 à Lagos, la CEDEAO entendait rompre avec la balkanisation coloniale et doter la région d’un espace économique et social intégré. L’organisation prit dès 1990, une tournure ouvertement politique avec une flambée des conflits internes et ses interventions de maintien de la paix. La promotion de la coopération transfrontalière devrait donner à la CEDEAO, un second souffle. / Benin shares nearly 2000 km of borders with Nigeria, Togo, Niger and Burkina Faso. Cross- border dynamics, which are particulary important, highlight both the irrelevance of hastily- drawn colonial boundaries-barriers and of models of regional integration in West Africa. On the borders of neighbour states, economically, ethnically and culturally homogenous cross- border territories relativize the concept of border-line, without, however, eliminating institutional, administrative and political differences. These “floating” territories, characterized by an “in between” syndrome, have extraordinary potential for integration that could be feth implemented more in a decentralized administrative context. The question is that of strategies and modalities of regional integration in West Africa. The absence of political will cannot suffice to explain the emptiness of integration processes. This dissertation offers perspectives for defining a new matrix in international relations and public policies, in addition to traditional approaches to analyzing regional integration mechanisms in West Africa. The great challenge is to find ways for communities and identities that transcend national borders to flourish in a bottom-up logic, without ethnic fact or autonomous local dynamics being seen as challenging the sovereignty of states and their prerogatives. The deep cultural unity of the region is a fundamental asset for public action. Because it is only rooted in its culture and its history, the African can reinvent for himself a homeland free from national borders. Hence the relevance of cross-border cooperation, an attempt to endogenise integration mechanisms, an attempt to put local development at the service of regional integration. It should characterize a second strategic development of ECOWAS. Created on 28 May 1975 in Lagos, ECOWAS intended to break with colonial balkanization and to provide the region with an integrated economic and social area. As early as 1990, the organization took an overtly political turn with soaring internal conflicts and its peacekeeping interventions. Cross-border cooperation, which is a new concept in West Africa, should give ECOWAS a second hope.

Cette recherche sociologique propose une étude compréhensive de l’Université des Montagnes, une initiative de la société civile issue de la crise de l’enseignement supérieur au Cameroun dans les années 1990. L’enquête de terrain réalisée au sein de l’institution a permis de collecter des données quantitatives et qualitatives à partir desquelles nous avons produit une théorie ancrée (Glaser et A. Strauss) mettant en évidence les spécificités de cette institution alternative et unique en son genre au Cameroun. Une observation participante de longue durée a permis une investigation approfondie. La première ligne de rupture qui se dégage de notre analyse est que l’Université des Montagnes est entièrement conçue, pensée et mise en œuvre par un groupe de citoyens déterminé à briser le monopole de l’État sur le développement de l’enseignement supérieur au Cameroun. Pour ce faire, les promoteurs ont dans une démarche réflexive et critique par rapport au modèle existant, élaboré une philosophie éducative et pédagogique innovante qui concilie les sciences fondamentales, appliquées et professionnalisantes, ainsi qu’une pédagogie ancrée dans les cultures africaines. En somme, nos enquêtes révèlent l’émergence d’une université générale, professionnelle et citoyenne. Le projet tente ainsi d’opérer une synthèse méthodique et adaptative des modèles universitaires de référence ayant structuré l’enseignement supérieur dans le monde. Nonobstant les difficultés d’appropriation collective, cette expérience citoyenne apparait, après quinze années d’existence, comme un analyseur et un catalyseur d’innovation sociale, tant son impact est perceptible sur le paysage de l’enseignement supérieur au Cameroun. / This sociological study offers a comprehensive study of the Université des Montagnes, a civil society initiative in response to the crisis in higher education in Cameroon in the 1990’s. A field study undertaken within the institution, using a participatory approach, enabled us to collect quantitative and qualitative data which was used to produce a grounded theory (Glaser and A. Strauss) approach that highlights the specific features of this alternative institution which is unique in Cameroon. The first break shown by our analysis is that the Université des Montagnes was entirely conceived, imagined, and established by a group of citizens determined to relieve the State of its monopoly on the development of higher education in Cameroon. To accomplish this, the founders, through a method that was reflective and critical in relation to the existing model, developed an innovative philosophy of education and pedagogy that reconciles the applied and professional sciences, and pedagogy founded on African culture. In short, our study shows the emergence of a general, professional, and people’s university. The project seeks to furnish a systematic and adaptive synthesis of reference university models that have structured higher education across the world. Notwithstanding the difficulties involved in collective adoption of the project, after fifteen years of existence, this people’s experiment appears to have been an analyser and catalyst for social innovation, considering its impact in the area of higher education in Cameroon.

L'écho parvenant d'Afrique au monde, ou du monde aux Africains, diffracte en une variation de nuances un thème répétitif : l'Afrique irait mal, surtout l'Afrique politique. Parmi ceux qui accourent à son secours, l’Église catholique tient un rôle vital. Mais que fait l’Église en Afrique, que peut-elle lui faire en tant qu’Église ? Peut-on aider l'Afrique à se moderniser en occultant le fait que pour elle, la modernité a été synonyme d'oppression coloniale ? Il y a là une affirmation, une action et une question. On se proposera, prenant l'exemple du Togo, de questionner la pertinence de l'affirmation, d'élaborer une réponse à la question, pour espérer (ré)orienter sinon l'action, du moins sa lecture. On s'inspirera des études post-coloniales et du mouvement théologique Radical Orthodoxy, notamment des travaux de Milbank et Cavanaugh. / Echoes from Africa to the world and from the world to Africa seem to tell a single story: Africa fails.Especially political Africa. Among those dashing to help, the commitment of the Church catholic is to be praised but also critically engaged. Can anyone help Africa to modernize by ignoring that in Africa, modernity meant colonization? Then, a question: what is the Church doing, and what can it do qua Church, for Africa? This confronts us with a situation, an action and a critical question. This work, focusing on Togo taken as mirror to the continent, aims at challenging the way the situation is described, at elaborating an answer to the question in hoping to shed a light on the way the action is understood and undertaken. For such an end, it draws on post-colonial studies and on the Cambridge theological movement called Radical Orthodoxy, through the works of J. Milbank and W. Cavanaugh.