Prisons are for many an unknown world, and few know about the prison culture which includes unwritten rules, power structures, interactions and relationships between inmates and correctional employees. While many think that Swedish prisons are too comfortable,inmates are facing extreme stress due to surveillance and detention, by depriving inmates their possibility to shape their own lives. When the inmates is deprived of control over their own life’s the penal system have great power to shape and to influence the inmates. The purpose of this paper is to investigate prisoners' experiences of treatment and exercise of power in prisons. Starting point is to examine what are the kinds of relationships between prison officers and inmates from a power perspective, if there is any difference between the closed and open prisons and how the inmates affected by the structures that exist. Based on my overall purpose, and with my informant´s stories which revealed a number of similar points, four main headings were developed; Mass media and society´s view, and unknown world, interaction between inmates and prison officers and consequences. Prison officers with the role as a contact persons as well and other staff which work close to the inmates play a significant role by supporting through motivational interviewing and can help the inmates to gain insight about their life situation and actions. My informant’s underlined that a good contact person can either help or discourage. Inmates who contributed with their experiences express that there is a big difference between open-and closed prisons. They express that prison officers at a maximum security prison is more authoritarian and abuse their power more than prison officers at the open prisons. Some of the inmates have experienced disparaging attitudes and violations. . Throughout our lives there is a constant search for identity and confirmation, the treatment from the staff is very important for how the inmates perceive their time in prison, but it is also important for how the inmates is formed as people and how their self-image and identity are affected. Many in our society have a static and preconceived image of prisons and the people behind the bars and these structures and power games have consequences, the inmates starts to accept their role in the society.

This dissertation investigates the nature of Korean media giants among members of Asian media conglomerates in the era of media marketization. Since the 1980s, each state in Asia has adopted neoliberal media laws and policies that have made its media systems more market-driven. This neoliberal media reform led to the restructuring of media systems from state-controlled systems to profit-oriented ones and facilitating the emergence of Asian media conglomerates. However, scholarship on the nature of Asian media giants has been sparse in critical media studies. Thus, I conduct a case study to explore the nature of Asian media giants with a focus on the interplay between media ownership and media markets in order to determine the major beneficiaries of Asian media marketization. I focus on the three Korean media conglomerates of Samsung, CJ and JoongAng Ilbo groups during the period from 1998 to 2012 when the Korean state applied the neoliberal media mode to the Korean media systems. Utilizing the theoretical approach of political economy of communication, I examine three points: (1) the relationship between the era of neoliberal media and the structures of four media markets (e.g., advertising, daily newspaper, cable television and film); (2) the interconnections among media expansions, media ownership and informal ties (e.g., blood and marriage ties); and (3) the relationship between the changed structures of those four media markets and corporate censorship of the three chaebol groups. To address these questions, I used both institutional and corporate profiling techniques and then analyzed both governmental and secondary documents, including those covering structures of media markets, media ownership, boards of directors, media expansions and emergent issues in the information and entertainment markets. Consequently, my analysis finds that neoliberal media laws and policies led to forming centralized market structures controlled by chaebol groups with connections to Western media conglomerates and/or foreign capital. Also, I find that the Lee family members used family connections to expand their media businesses and control multiple media operations, thereby becoming the media emperor in Korea. Finally, my analysis shows that a media-oriented ideology has rarely guaranteed free competition among market players but has instead led to increasing the market polarization between a few market controllers and many independent media companies. In other words, my study indicates that the neoliberal media mode allowed family capitalists in Korea with foreign capital to control the structures of media markets.

Submitted by Jailda Nascimento (jmnascimento@pucsp.br) on 2016-10-06T19:42:46Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Fabiane Ramos Rosa.pdf: 1450620 bytes, checksum: c535ce050d732a27355f11a19ac93782 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-06T19:42:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fabiane Ramos Rosa.pdf: 1450620 bytes, checksum: c535ce050d732a27355f11a19ac93782 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-08 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Through the analysis of cases of psychological terror in the workplace, in the context of brazilian public administration, this master thesis proposes the definition of psychological terror in labor relations: a set of Psychological actions, due to the imposition of power not dialogic held by those in authority, that aim to disqualify other persons which, in turn, are unable to defend themselves; and that course of action leads them to a disbelief in their own potential and the destruction of subjectivity. The study supported the consideration of the combat strategies and prevention of psychological terror in labor relation, suggestion structural changes in the public service (including political stability, probation period, and the criteria for appointment and dismissal for management, leadership and assistance positions), the adoption of techniques of Restorative Justice and nonviolent communication, the creation of spaces for dialogue, and the proposal of democratic management teams within public institutions / Por meio da análise de casos de assédio moral no ambiente de trabalho, no contexto da administração pública brasileira, esta dissertação propõe a definição de assédio moral como: um conjunto de ações de violência psicológica, em decorrência da imposição do poder de forma não dialógica, realizada por quem, na posição de autoridade, tem o objetivo de desqualificar o outro que, por sua vez, não tem condições de se defender, o que leva a uma descrença das próprias potencialidades, e a uma destruição da subjetividade. O estudo realizado nesta dissertação subsidia a reflexão sobre as estratégias de combate e prevenção do assédio moral nas relações de trabalho, sugestões de mudanças estruturais no serviço público (incluindo política de estabilidade, estágio probatório, e critérios para nomeação e exoneração em cargos de direção, chefia e assessoramento), adoção de técnicas da Justiça Restaurativa e da Comunicação Não Violenta, a criação de espaços para o diálogo, e a proposta de equipes de gestão democrática dentro das instituições públicas

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-03-30T13:29:16Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Frediano José Momesso Teodoro.pdf: 1139298 bytes, checksum: ebf17440a2c7d2ed851eef35214f80b8 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-30T13:29:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Frediano José Momesso Teodoro.pdf: 1139298 bytes, checksum: ebf17440a2c7d2ed851eef35214f80b8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-20 / The relentless struggle for power has prompted political parties and their members to pursue resources whose amounts are increasingly staggering. The illegal provenance of campaign funds has been revealed in recent years, demonstrating that irregularities in political parties funding are tied to a wide range of previous crimes. The economic power abuse is such in political-electoral campaign across the globe that democratic representativeness is seriously compromised, mainly by unfair electoral competition process and by popular sovereignty relativization. Faced with the urgency of the lawless political financing issue and the ineffectiveness of the current rule, it is recognized the imperativeness of declare it as criminal offense. Consequently emerges the need to justify the criminalization of offensive actions against democratic representativeness, free democratic elections and others equally democratic institutes. In order to achieve such an aim, it is proposed to acknowledge the referred democratic institutes as assets protected against the economic power abuse by the criminal law. Through the application of harm principle theory, as guiding the present study, it is possible to justify the criminalization of democratic regime violations by the economic power abuses / A implacável luta pelo poder tem levado os partidos políticos e seus membros a perseguirem recursos cujas cifras são cada dia mais surpreendentes. A procedência ilícita de fundos para as campanhas eleitorais vem sendo revelada nos últimos anos, demonstrando que, muitas vezes, as irregularidades no financiamento dos partidos políticos estão atreladas a uma vasta gama de delitos antecedentes. O abuso do poder econômico é de tal ordem nas campanhas político-eleitorais de todo o globo, que a representatividade democrática está seriamente comprometida, principalmente pela concorrência desleal no processo eleitoral e pela relativização da soberania popular. Diante da urgência do tema do financiamento irregular de partidos políticos e da ineficácia da lei vigente, reconhece-se a imperatividade de sua criminalização. Consequentemente, surge a necessidade de justificar a tipificação penal de condutas atentatórias à representatividade democrática, à livre concorrência democrática no processo eleitoral e a outros institutos igualmente democráticos. Para se alcançar tal intento, propõe-se o reconhecimento dos aludidos institutos democráticos como bens jurídicos penalmente tuteláveis contra o abuso do poder econômico. A partir da aplicação da teoria de proteção do bem jurídico, como norteadora do presente estudo, é possível justificar a criminalização das condutas de abuso do poder econômico, violadoras do regime democrático

The purpose of this study is to examine teachers’ experiences of power relations as psychological violence and the impact it has on their health. This study, using a qualitative approach, thus investigates the association between power relations and the dimensions thereof and how it manifests as psychological violence. In turn, it may have detrimental effects on the health of the teacher and the whole teaching-learning process. Based on the findings, recommendations for this - and future research - are proposed. Open-ended phenomenological interviews were used to collecct the qaulitative data. Eleven participants indicated their willingness to be individually interviewed for the study. The qualitative findings indicated that teachers experience power relations as psychological violence, it is experienced severely and emanates mostly from colleagues in management positions. The most prevalent and severe forms of power relations as psychological violence as experienced by teachers include being subjected to power abuse from principals; being subjected to autocratic management styles and management’s power abuse through the abdication of responsibility. The most severe physical health consequenses as experienced by teachers include feeling tired and experiencing physical ill health. It further emerged that the most severe phychological health consequenses were experienced in the form of feelings of helplessness and feeling emotional or wanting to cry. Teachers’ lack of work productivity and motivation were the most severe behavioural consequense because of the experience of power abuse as psychological violence. Teachers’ personal and family relations and teachers withdrawing socially were the most evident social consequense due to negative experiences. The findings from the study indicated that teachers experience power relations as psychological violence in various forms and that it is highly prevalent. The research results have shown that teachers identified many dimensions of power relations, such as management styles, the perception or experience of someone’s power or “weak point”, possessing no power or status, female teachers being treated in a subordinate manner and racial or cultural differences of others as a contributer to abuse power in relationships at school. This study contributes towards the power relations and psychological violence literature in general and in particular, teachers’ experiences in South Africa. In the light of the findings the study recommends that teacher support programmes should be put in place in order to address the experience of power relations as psychological violence. It further recommends that teachers and students studying to become teachers should be provided with information about power relations as psychological violence to create awareness. / Thesis (MEd (Educational Psychology))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013

The purpose of this study is to examine teachers’ experiences of power relations as psychological violence and the impact it has on their health. This study, using a qualitative approach, thus investigates the association between power relations and the dimensions thereof and how it manifests as psychological violence. In turn, it may have detrimental effects on the health of the teacher and the whole teaching-learning process. Based on the findings, recommendations for this - and future research - are proposed. Open-ended phenomenological interviews were used to collecct the qaulitative data. Eleven participants indicated their willingness to be individually interviewed for the study. The qualitative findings indicated that teachers experience power relations as psychological violence, it is experienced severely and emanates mostly from colleagues in management positions. The most prevalent and severe forms of power relations as psychological violence as experienced by teachers include being subjected to power abuse from principals; being subjected to autocratic management styles and management’s power abuse through the abdication of responsibility. The most severe physical health consequenses as experienced by teachers include feeling tired and experiencing physical ill health. It further emerged that the most severe phychological health consequenses were experienced in the form of feelings of helplessness and feeling emotional or wanting to cry. Teachers’ lack of work productivity and motivation were the most severe behavioural consequense because of the experience of power abuse as psychological violence. Teachers’ personal and family relations and teachers withdrawing socially were the most evident social consequense due to negative experiences. The findings from the study indicated that teachers experience power relations as psychological violence in various forms and that it is highly prevalent. The research results have shown that teachers identified many dimensions of power relations, such as management styles, the perception or experience of someone’s power or “weak point”, possessing no power or status, female teachers being treated in a subordinate manner and racial or cultural differences of others as a contributer to abuse power in relationships at school. This study contributes towards the power relations and psychological violence literature in general and in particular, teachers’ experiences in South Africa. In the light of the findings the study recommends that teacher support programmes should be put in place in order to address the experience of power relations as psychological violence. It further recommends that teachers and students studying to become teachers should be provided with information about power relations as psychological violence to create awareness. / Thesis (MEd (Educational Psychology))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013