This thesis from a constructivist approach to explore the neoliberal interdependence theory, the structural power of nationalism theory, in constructed out of Mainland China to control the East Asian system, how restricting contact sign, Taiwan and Thailand the opportunities of Economic Cooperation Agreement (ECA). Learned from the theory and data analysis, we know that Thailand is relatively dependent on the extent of Taiwan, and the interdependence of economic and social exchange behavior of multi-track each other. Although the basis of comparative advantage that favor positive contact Taiwan and Thailand signed the ECA and the optimum behavior of integration, limited to the new amendment to Article 190 of the Constitution of Thailand must get Congress to vote on the signing of an international agreement approved by the provisions, as well as the rise of Mainland China in East Asia caused by nationalism asymmetry interdependent the structural power constraints, resulting in consistent sign of Taiwan and Thailand ECA system failure, the phenomenon of zero, contrary to the rules of the market liberal institutionalism theory. How to break through Mainland China in the East Asian the structural power system constructed of path dependence, reversing the international status of Taiwan disadvantage, from the analysis of the theory, competence structure and fieldwork, Taiwan and Thailand signed ECA feasibility contact program with specific practices.

The research described herein focuses on understanding the effects of power on the processes and outcomes of collaborative networks. Power is conceptualized from a structural perspective, as the dependence that exists in the relationships that tie network participants together. Using the method of social network analysis, the dissertation first validates a measure of structural power in collaborative networks, betweenness centrality. It then examines the effect of uneven distributions of structural power among participants on an important variable for these networks: cohesion, as measured from a behavioral perspective. This effect is examined from the perspective of two levels of analysis: the whole network level and the working group level. The results indicate that structural power has a variable effect on cohesion, depending on the level of analysis. At the whole network level, uneven distributions of power negatively affect the cohesive behavior of participants. At the working group level, on the other hand, the relationship between the variables is curvilinear. Finally, the effect of structural power on three dimensions of participant satisfaction is examined: process satisfaction, human capital satisfaction, and outcome satisfaction. The research finds that being in a power disadvantaged position affects how participants rate their satisfaction with the process of collaboration.

Previous research on social movements shows that as a consequence of social stratification, structurally privileged groups in society are more prone to engage in and take on leading positions in collective action than those who are structurally marginalised. This essay takes off in the puzzle of deficient inclusion in social movements that identify as inclusive, and looks at how that problem also appear empirically in the environmental movement Extinction Rebellion (XR). As attention to environmental issues and climate activism has increased significantly over the last years, many activists and scholars have pointed out the importance of tackling the problem with an intersectional feminist approach. Therefore, an interpretive discourse analysis with a “What’s the Problem Represented to be?” (WPR) approach is applied to the strategically chosen case of XR, and the results are interpreted through an intersectional feminist lens as conceptualised by Angela Davis (1981, 2016). The analysis contributes to the research problem through identifying two parallel problem representations, one representing the problem as proximate, local and technical-environmental and one representing it as current, global and societal-environmental. It is concluded that part of XR’s discourse rests on a problem representation that risks reproducing structural power relations. According to Davis’s conceptualisation of intersectional feminism this could have dire consequences for a movement which has shown to have potential to influence politics.

The adoption of the Digital Market Acts (DMA) marked a significant development in the direction of the European Union’s stronger approach to regulating its digital economy. This thesis sought to evaluate the European Union's structural power in the digital economy as well as the DMA’s potential impact on the future of the EU’s digital sovereignty policy. Through the use of qualitative content analysis, the author comes to the conclusion that the European Union has extensive regulatory authority over technology companies that operate in its digital market. This power derives from Articles 2(2), 5, and 6 of the DMA, which provide the European Union authority to govern and manage data access and control in the digital market. The EU’s commitment to digital sovereignty, which promotes national authority over their digital infrastructure and data, is reflected in the DMA’s implementation. This thesis argues that the DMA signifies a shift in the right direction for encouraging fair competition and reducing digital market monopolies, regardless of concerns over the DMA’s influence on the European Union’s trade relations with the United States. This research suggests that the European Union has the potential to affect the structure of the global digital market and the behavior of digital companies.

[pt] Este trabalho analisa a construção dos padrões regulatórios bancários internacionais a partir de uma perspectiva de Relações Internacionais. Tem como objeto a transformação regulatória observada em Basileia III no pós-crise 2007/2008, como forma de acessar a problemática mais ampla do Poder Estrutural no Sistema Monetário Internacional. A hipótese que guia o estudo é a de que apesar da regulação bancária internacional ser concernente ao poder estrutural do dólar há espaço de atuação política aos países emergentes/periféricos, na dimensão institucional internacional e ideacional. Analisa-se o sistema monetário internacional a partir de seus elementos constitutivos e os processos políticos, econômicos e ideacionais que conformam a história da regulação bancária internacional. Este tema representa, desde a perspectiva dos países periféricos, um pouco problematizado espaço de política internacional. Parte-se de análise epistemológica sobre o campo para realizar análise teórica sobre o Poder Estrutural e sua aplicação à análise do SMI. Considera-se o surgimento da regulação bancária internacional em meados dos anos 1970 e procura-se explorar como os marcos regulatórios acordados no BCBS (Basel Committee on Banking Supervision) foram atingidos em relação aos eventos de crise que marcaram o sistema monetário internacional a partir dos anos 1980. Exploram-se, nesse sentido, os condicionantes estruturais e locais que levaram ao surgimento dos acordos de Basileia I, II e III. As conclusões consolidadas pelo estudo revelam a importância dos elos ideacionais e da atuação institucional advocatícia para a definição dos padrões de regulação bancária internacional e demonstram a possibilidade de um espaço político para atuação dos países mal posicionados em relação à hierarquia monetária internacional. / [en] This dissertation aims to analyze the construction of international banking regulatory standards from an International Relations perspective. Its object is the regulatory transformation observed in Basel III in the post-2007/2008 crisis as a way of accessing the broader problem of Structural Power in the International Monetary System and the political space available to peripheral countries in this context. The hypothesis that guide the study is that even though international banking regulation is aligned to US structural power, there are political spaces for action for emerging/peripheral countries in the international institutional and ideational dimensions. Therefore, it analyzes the international monetary system from its constituent elements and the political, economic and ideational processes that have shaped international banking regulation. This topic represents an under problematized space of international relations. The work departs from an epistemological analysis and follows through a theoretical analysis of Structural Power and its application towards the International Monetary System. It then considers the emergence of international banking regulation in the mid-1970s and seeks to explore how regulatory frameworks agreed upon the BCBS (Basel Committee on Banking Supervision) were achieved in relation to crisis events that have characterized the international monetary system since the 1980s. In this sense, the structural and local constraints that led to the emergence of the Basel I, II and III agreements are explored. The conclusions consolidated by the study reveal the importance of ideational links and institutional action for standards definition in international banking regulation and suggest a political space for action by countries poorly positioned in the international monetary hierarchy.

Au lendemain de son indépendance, l’Algérie était confrontée au problème du développement de son potentiel gazier. Pour se soustraire à l’emprise de la France sur ses hydrocarbures, elle décida de placer son gaz dans le marché américain. Cette option visait à développer l’industrie du GNL et à optimiser la rente pour pouvoir financer le développement économique du pays. Après l’échec de ce choix, l’Algérie s’est retournée vers le marché européen. Depuis, les échanges se sont intensifiés au point où l’Algérie est considérée aujourd’hui comme un partenaire énergétique stratégique de l’Union européenne. Cette situation lui donnera-t-elle la possibilité de continuer à approvisionner l’Europe en gaz ? Au regard des contraintes liées à la gestion du secteur de l’énergie, la concurrence des deux gaz russe et qatari et l’entrée prévisible en production des gisements en Mediterrannée orientale, la part du gaz algérien dans la sécurité énergétique de l’Europe constitue-t-elle un enjeu géopolitique ? La présente thèse a pour objectif de confirmer ou d’infirmer la réalité de cet enjeu. Pour cela, elle pose des questions inhérentes aux différentes politiques initiées par l’Algérie durant plus d’un demi-siècle, à sa marge de manœuvre pour se maintenir au troisième rang des fournisseurs de gaz à l’Europe, et à la dépendance de cette dernière en matière de gaz et à ses perceptions géopolitiques à l’égard de ses fournisseurs (principalement, la Russie et les pays producteurs de la rive Sud). / After the National Independence (1962), Algeria was dealing with the difficulties of developing its gas potential. In order to escape the French hegemony of its hydrocarbons resources, Algeria decided to place and invest its gas resources in the US market. This economic option was motivated by the urgent need to develop the LNG industry and to maximize incomes in order to improve the national economic development. After the failure of this economic option, Algeria got back to the European market. Since then, EU – Algeria economic relations have been intensified. Nowadays, Algeria is considered as a strategic EU partner, in the field of energy resources. Does this situation enable Algeria to supply the European economy with gas for a long time? Given the international constraints related to the management of the energy sector, competition from both Russia and Qatar and the new discovered gas reserves in Eastern Mediterranean basin, does the Algerian gas and its importance in EU energy security represent a geopolitical issue?This thesis aims to examin the pertinence of this issue. It seeks to respond to questions related to the various policies initiated by Algeria for more than half a century, to Algeria’s strategy to maintain its position as the third strategic gas supplier of Europe, and to the European energy dependence and its geopolitical perceptions towards its suppliers (especially Russia and the South side of Mediterranean basin producers).

Primary assumption of this thesis is that the European Union (EU) represents a unique international actor that embodies the major changes in institution of diplomacy. These changes culminate in the 21st Century. They rest namely in widening of diplomatic agenda, increasing number and kind of actors conducting diplomacy, growing importance of multilateral frameworks and transformation of diplomatic actors' objectives. At the centre of our interest lays the concept of structural foreign policy (SFP) that constitutes an analytical framework of this thesis. SFP is an instrument through which the EU exercises its structural power towards third countries. The aim of this thesis is to provide an analysis and critique of the EU's SFP towards Maghreb. The region has been chosen as the subject of our analysis since despite a long term and continuous effort since 1990s the EU has largely failed to effectively exercise its structural power in the region.

This essay focusses on the area of hegemonic studies in global politics, framing the discussion between the rise of China and the positioning of the united States. The purpose of this study is to show that China does not threaten the economic hegemony of the US due to the pivotal role the US Dollar holds in the global economy. A statistical analysis is undertaken with reference to contemporary theory to explain how declining rates of US Dollars in currency reserves are not a symptom of a power shift in Global Politics but simply an effect of fluctuations in global trade, as well as using Susan Strange's concept of structural power to show how America holds hegemony over international finance and the economy.

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Ausgehend von einem sozialkonstruktivistischen, pragmatisch-kognitiven Verständnis von Namen untersucht die Studie die diskriminierenden Wahrnehmungen, die über Personen-namen in Deutschland und Schweden aufgerufen werden. Durch Anwendung der kritischen Theorien und Zugänge der Black Feminist, Postcolonial, Postmigrant, Trans und Disability Studies auf Namensdiskurse werden gegenwärtige sowie historische hegemoniale Normen dekonstruiert. Mit Hilfe des durch intersektionale Machtverhältnisse konstituierten Dispositivmodells wird die Intelligibilität von Personennamen zur Diskussion gestellt. Vergewohnheitung (accustoming) als neues analytisches Konzept macht nachvollziehbar, wie hegemoniales Wissen zu Namensgebung auf strukturalistische und essentialisierende Weise erworben und internalisiert wird. Die Analyse administrativer und legislativer Diskurse zeigt, wie hegemoniale Namensnormen historisch und institutionell vergewohnheitet wurden. Dass ein Personenname institutionell auch durch individuelle Wahrnehmung bestimmt wird, illustriert die Analyse des ‚Kindeswohl‘, einem zentralen Argument für Namensentscheidungen auf Standesämtern. Ein weiteres Beispiel für die Rechtfertigung ent_wahrgenommener diskriminierender Namenspraktiken ist das Sprachgefühlkonzept, dessen Verwendung daraufhin untersucht wird, inwiefern es nationalistische Vorstellungen des Eigenen und des Anderen aufruft. Schließlich wird die An- und Aberkennung von Menschsein als Konsequenz diskriminierender Namenshandlungen adressiert. Eine Sammlung empowernder Interventionen in diskriminierende Namenspraktiken sowie Empfehlungen für eine kontra_diskriminierende, antistrukturalistische Wahrnehmung von Personennamen runden die Studie ab. Mit ihrem transdisziplinären Ansatz veranschaulicht die Arbeit, wie disziplinäre Grenzen überschritten und Diskursfelder und -materialien, die traditionellerweise in den Rechts-, Geschichts-, Sprach- und Literaturwissenschaften analysiert werden, in die Genderforschung integriert werden können. / Based on a social constructivist, pragmatic cognitive understanding of naming, the study investigates the discriminatory hegemonic presuppositions and perceptions that are interpellated with personal names in Germany and Sweden. The critical lens of Black Feminist, Postcolonial, Postmigrant, Critical Trans and Disability Studies is applied in order to deconstruct current and past hegemonic naming norms. By regarding the un/intelligibility of names as constituted by intersecting power relations, racism_genderism_ableism_migratism_ classism, the dispositive model helps to identify what personal names and naming practices are made un/thinkable. Accustoming is introduced as an analytic tool to understand how hegemonic knowledge on naming is acquired and internalized in a structuralist and essentializing way. The analysis of administrative and legislative discourses demonstrates how hegemonic naming norms have been historically and institutionally accustomed. That a personal name is not only determined by institutional but also by individual decision-making is illustrated on the example of the child’s well-being, a commonly used argument for name decisions at registry offices. The feel for language as another norm to justify de_perceived name discrimination is analyzed against the background of how sprachgefühl as an emotive concept interpellates nationalist images of the self and the Other. The final chapter addresses the consequences of discriminatory naming practices: the definition and denial of personhood. The study concludes with a collection of empowering interventions in discriminatory naming practices and recommendations for a contra_ discriminatory anti-structuralist perception of personal names. By employing a transdisciplinary approach, the study illustrates how disciplinary boundaries are transgressed and how different discourse areas and material that traditionally are investigated in law, history, linguistics and literature is integrated in Gender Studies research.